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  • Georgism

    Georgism
    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georgism

    Georgism (also called Geoism or Geonomics) is an economic philosophy and ideology that holds that people own what they create, but that things found in nature, most importantly land, belong equally to all.[1] The Georgist philosophy is based on the writings of the economist Henry George (1839–1897), and is usually associated with the idea of a single tax on the value of land. Georgists argue that a tax on land value is economically efficient, fair and equitable; and that it can generate sufficient revenue so that other taxes (e.g. taxes on profits, sales or income), which are less fair and efficient, can be reduced or eliminated. A tax on land value has been described by many as a progressive tax, since it would be paid primarily by the wealthy, and would reduce income inequality.[2]
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    Contents
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    1 Main tenets
    2 Synonyms and variants
    3 Influence
    3.1 Communities
    3.2 Institutes and organizations
    4 Criticisms
    5 Notable people influenced by Georgism
    6 See also
    7 Notes
    8 External links

    [edit] Main tenets
    See also: Land value tax

    Henry George is best known for his argument that the economic rent of land should be shared equally by the people of a society rather than being owned privately. George held that people own what they create, but that things found in nature, most importantly land, belongs equally to all.[1] George believed that although scientific experiments could not be carried out in political economy, theories could be tested by comparing different societies with different conditions and through thought experiments about the effects of various factors.[3] Applying this method, George concluded that many of the problems that beset society, such as poverty, inequality, and economic booms and busts, could be attributed to the private ownership of the necessary resource, land.

    In his publication Progress and Poverty George argued that: “We must make land common property.”[4] Although this could be done by nationalizing land and then leasing it to private parties, George preferred taxing unimproved land value. A land value tax would not penalize those who had already bought and improved land, and would also be less disruptive and controversial in a country where land titles have already been granted.

    It was Adam Smith who first noted the properties of a land value tax in his book, The Wealth of Nations:[5]

    Ground-rents are a still more proper subject of taxation than the rent of houses. A tax upon ground-rents would not raise the rents of houses. It would fall altogether upon the owner of the ground-rent, who acts always as a monopolist, and exacts the greatest rent which can be got for the use of his ground. More or less can be got for it according as the competitors happen to be richer or poorer, or can afford to gratify their fancy for a particular spot of ground at a greater or smaller expense. In every country the greatest number of rich competitors is in the capital, and it is there accordingly that the highest ground-rents are always to be found. As the wealth of those competitors would in no respect be increased by a tax upon ground-rents, they would not probably be disposed to pay more for the use of the ground. Whether the tax was to be advanced by the inhabitant, or by the owner of the ground, would be of little importance. The more the inhabitant was obliged to pay for the tax, the less he would incline to pay for the ground; so that the final payment of the tax would fall altogether upon the owner of the ground-rent.

    A supply and demand diagram showing the effects of land value taxation. Note that the burden of the tax is entirely on the land owner, and there is no deadweight loss.

    Standard economic theory suggests that a land value tax would be extremely efficient – unlike other taxes, it does not reduce economic productivity.[2] Nobel laureate Milton Friedman agreed that Henry George’s land value tax is potentially beneficial for society since, unlike other taxes, it would not impose an excess burden on economic activity (leading to “deadweight loss”). A replacement of other more distortionary taxes with a land value tax would thus improve economic welfare.[6]

    Georgists suggest two uses for the revenue from a land value tax. The revenue can be used to fund the state (allowing the reduction or elimination of other taxes), or it can be redistributed to citizens as a pension or basic income (or it can be divided between these two options). If the first option were to be chosen, the state could avoid having to tax any other type of income or economic activity. In practice, the elimination of all other taxes implies a very high land value tax, higher than any currently existing land tax. Introducing a high land value tax would cause the price of land titles to decrease correspondingly, but George did not believe landowners should be compensated, and described the issue as being analogous to compensation for former slave owners. Additionally, a land value tax would be a tax of wealth, not a tax on income or production, and so would be a form of progressive taxation tending to reduce income inequality. As such, a defining argument for Georgism is that it taxes wealth in a progressive manner, reducing inequality, and yet it also reduces the strain on businesses and productivity.

    Georgists also argue that all economic rent (i.e., unearned income) collected from natural resources (land, mineral extraction, the broadcast spectrum, tradable emission permits, fishing quotas, airway corridor use, space orbits, etc.) and extraordinary returns from natural monopolies should accrue to the community rather than a private owner, and that no other taxes or burdensome economic regulations should be levied. Modern environmentalists find the idea of the earth as the common property of humanity appealing, and some have endorsed the idea of ecological tax reform as a replacement for command and control regulation. This would entail substantial taxes or fees for pollution, waste disposal and resource exploitation, or equivalently a “cap and trade” system where permits are auctioned to the highest bidder, and also include taxes for the use of land and other natural resources.[citation needed]

    Many Georgists observe two prime points concerning taxation in modern states:

    Privately created wealth is socialized via the tax system (through income tax, sales tax, etc).
    Socially created wealth from community created land values are privatized and extracted by private individuals and corporations.

    Georgists argue the opposite would be the case when a single tax on land value is implemented:

    Socially created wealth is socialized – socially created land values are taxed and used for community revenues.
    Privately created wealth remain private – no other taxes are levied.

    Georgists argue that a single tax on land value uses socially created wealth to fund social and state services, while allowing individuals to retaining the full fruits of their labor.[7]
    [edit] Synonyms and variants

    Most early advocacy groups described themselves as Single Taxers, and George endorsed this as being an accurate description of the philosophy’s main political goal – the replacement of all taxes with a land value tax. During the modern era, some groups inspired by Henry George emphasize environmentalism more than other aspects, while others emphasize his ideas concerning economics.

    Some devotees are not entirely satisfied with the name Georgist. While Henry George was well-known throughout his life, he has been largely forgotten by the public and the idea of a single tax of land predates him. Some people now use the term “Geoism”, with the meaning of “Geo” deliberately ambiguous. “Earth Sharing”,[8] “Geoism”,[9] “Geonomics”,[10] and “Geolibertarianism”[11] (see libertarianism) are also preferred by some Georgists; “Geoanarchism” is another one.[12] These terms represent a difference of emphasis, and sometimes real differences about how land rent should be spent (citizen’s dividend or just replacing other taxes); but all agree that land rent should be recovered from its private recipients.
    [edit] Influence

    Georgist ideas heavily influenced the politics of the early 20th century, during its heyday. Political parties that were formed based on Georgist ideas include the Commonwealth Land Party, the Justice Party of Denmark, the Henry George Justice Party, and the Single Tax League.

    In the UK during 1909, the Liberal Government included a land tax as part of several taxes in the People’s Budget aimed at redistributing wealth (including a progressively-graded income tax and an increase of inheritance tax). This caused a crisis which resulted indirectly in reform of the House of Lords. The budget was passed eventually—but without the land tax. In 1931, the minority Labour Government passed a land value tax as part III of the 1931 Finance act. However, this was repealed in 1934 by the National Government before it could be implemented. In Denmark, the Georgist Justice Party has previously been represented in Folketinget. It formed part of a centre-left government 1957-60 and was also represented in the European Parliament 1978-79. The influence of Henry George has waned over time, but Georgist ideas still occasionally emerge in politics. In the 2004 Presidential campaign, Ralph Nader mentioned Henry George in his policy statements.[13]
    [edit] Communities

    Several communities were also initiated with Georgist principles during the height of the philosophy’s popularity. Two such communities that still exist are Arden, Delaware, which was founded during 1900 by Frank Stephens and Will Price, and Fairhope, Alabama, which was founded during 1894 by the auspices of the Fairhope Single Tax Corporation.

    The German protectorate of Jiaozhou Bay (also known as Kiaochow) in China fully implemented Georgist policy. Its sole source of government revenue was the land value tax of six percent which it levied on its territory. The German government had previously had economic problems with its African colonies caused by land speculation. One of the main aims in using the land value tax in Jiaozhou Bay was to eliminate such speculation, an aim which was entirely achieved.[14] The colony existed as a German protectorate from 1898 until 1914 when it was seized by Japan. In 1922 it was returned to China.

    Georgist ideas were also adopted to some degree in Australia, Hong Kong, Singapore, South Africa, South Korea, and Taiwan. In these countries, governments still levy some type of land value tax, albeit with exemptions.[15] Many municipal governments of the USA depend on real property tax as their main source of revenue, although such taxes are not “Georgist” as they generally include the value of buildings and other improvements, one exception being the town of Altoona, Pennsylvania, which only taxes land value.
    [edit] Institutes and organizations

    Various organizations still exist that continue to promote the ideas of Henry George. According to the The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, the periodical Land&Liberty, established in 1894, is “the longest-lived Georgist project in history”.[16] Also in the U.S., the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy was established in 1974 founded based on the writings of Henry George, and “seeks to improve the dialogue about urban development, the built environment, and tax policy in the United States and abroad”.[17] The Henry George Foundation continues to promote the ideas of Henry George in the UK.[18] The IU, is an international umbrella organisation that brings together organizations worldwide that seek land value tax reform.[19]
    [edit] Criticisms

    Although both advocated workers’ rights, Henry George and Karl Marx were antagonists. Marx saw the Single Tax platform as a step backwards from the transition to communism. He argued that, “The whole thing is… simply an attempt, decked out with socialism, to save capitalist domination and indeed to establish it afresh on an even wider basis than its present one.”[20] Marx also criticized the way land value tax theory emphasizes the value of land, arguing that, “His fundamental dogma is that everything would be all right if ground rent were paid to the state.”[20]

    On his part, Henry George predicted that if Marx’s ideas were tried the likely result would be a dictatorship.[21][22][page needed] Fred Harrison provides a full treatment of Marxist objections to land value taxation and Henry George in “Gronlund and other Marxists – Part III: nineteenth-century Americas critics”, American Journal of Economics and Sociology, (November 2003).[23]

    George has also been accused of exaggerating the importance of his “all-devouring rent thesis” in claiming that it is the primary cause of poverty and injustice in society.[24] More recent critics have claimed that increasing government spending has rendered a land tax insufficient to fund government.[citation needed] Georgists have responded by citing a multitude of sources showing that the total land value of nations like the US is enormous, and more than sufficient to fund government.[25]

  • The Reconstruction Of Capitalism

    The Reconstruction Of Capitalism

    http://schalkenbach.org/henry-george/the-reconstruction-of-capitalism/

    by Dr. Robert V. Andelson

    Dr. Robert V. Andelson (1931-2003) was Professor Emeritus of Philosophy, Auburn University, and Distinguished Research Fellow, American Institute for Economic Research.

    This essay was first published in booklet form in 1994 by the Robert Schalkenbach Foundation (New York), American Institute for Economic Research (Great Barrington, Massachusetts), and Public Revenue Education Council (Saint Louis).

    To order a copy, please visit our on-line bookstore, found in “Publications” (left).
    Henry George And The Reconstruction Of Capitalism

    It would require less than the fingers of the two hands to enumerate those who, from Plato down, rank with Henry George among the world’s social philosophers…[He is] certainly the greatest that this country has produced. No man … has the right to regard himself as an educated man in social thought unless he has some first hand acquaintance with the theoretical contribution of this great American thinker. ~John Dewey

    With the fall of the Iron Curtain, people all over the world seem to be searching for a “Middle Way.” Except in North Korea and Cuba, doctrinaire Marxism has been repudiated virtually everywhere, even by the Left. Socialism has become passé. Its adherents are no longer riding the crest of the wave of the future. Even the most energetic apostles of federal meddling, John Kenneth Galbraith, for example, eschew the Socialist label.

    Yet, on the other hand, the free market economists of the classical period would scarcely recognize Capitalism as we know it in America today. Such luminaries of industry and finance as Lee Iacocca and Felix Rohatyn advocate a measure of government intervention that would have seemed entirely insupportable to Cobden or Ricardo. In the political field, the major candidates differ mainly on matters of degree. It is not so much a question of “Shall there be federal aid?” as of “How much federal aid shall there be?” or of “How shall it be administered?”. As long ago as the late 1940s, “Mr. Conservative” himself, Senator Robert A. Taft, sponsored a bill for federal housing. Later, another Senate Republican leader, Bob Dole, was a major architect of the food stamp program, which is itself a dole, not just for the poor, but, above all, for agribusiness. A Republican president, Richard Nixon, instituted price controls, and cut the dollar loose from its last tenuous backing with the cynical quip, “We are all Keynesians now”.

    But what we are presented with, from Right to Left, is not a coordinated structure embodying the best elements from both sides, not even a well-thought-out attempt at syncretism, but rather a bewildering welter of jerry-built solutions, each one based on political and emotional considerations and lacking any functional relationship to a unified system of socio-economic truth — let alone any rootage in a grand scheme of teleology or ethics.

    A little Socialism here, and a little Capitalism there; a concern for the public sector here, and a concession to the profit motive there; a sop to the “underprivileged” here, and a bow to incentive there — put them all together, and what have you got? Nothing but a great big rag-bag, a haphazard pastiche of odds and ends without any bones and without any guts!

    Nevertheless, there is a Middle Way. There is a body of socio-economic truth which incorporates the best insights of both Capitalism and Socialism. Yet they are not insights that are artificially woven together to form a deliberate compromise. Instead, they arise naturally, with a kind of inner logic, from the profound ethical distinction which is the system’s core. They arise remorselessly from an understanding of the meaning of the commandment: “Thou shalt not steal.” This Middle Way is the philosophy associated with the name of Henry George.

    I like to picture economic theory as a vast jigsaw puzzle distributed across two tables, one called Capitalism and the other, Socialism. But mingled with the genuine pieces of the puzzle are many false pieces, also distributed across both tables. Most of us are either perceptively limited to one table, or else we are unable to distinguish the genuine pieces from the false. But Henry George knew how to find the right pieces, and, therefore, he was able to put the puzzle together — at least in its general outlines. I don’t claim that he was infallible, or that there isn’t further work to be done. Yet if I find a little piece of puzzle missing here or there, it doesn’t shake my confidence in the harmony of the overall pattern he discerned. It doesn’t make me want to sweep the puzzle onto the floor and start all over again from scratch.

    Henry George was born in 1839 in Philadelphia, and died in 1897 in New York City. It was in the San Francisco of the 1870s that he wrote his master-work, Progress and Poverty. For the greater part of his adult life he had been a working newspaperman, beginning as an apprentice typesetter and making his way up to the editor’s desk. His was a peculiarly Californian saga. His philosophy was forged out of his observation of conditions in a burgeoning new state, where he was able to examine, as in a laboratory, the genesis and development of social and economic processes. Progress and Poverty has been translated into at least 27, languages.

    Among books of nonfiction, its sale was for many decades exceeded only by the Bible. At Oxford University, in the English literature department, it is used as a model of the finest prose. The rest of Henry George’s life was one great crusade for social justice, at the end of which he literally martyred himself by campaigning for public office against his doctors’ urging. In the midst of the campaign he died, and was spontaneously accorded the greatest funeral that New York City had ever witnessed.

    His genius has been glowingly acknowledged by such renowned figures as philosophers John Dewey and Mortimer J. Adler, presidents Woodrow Wilson and Dwight D. Eisenhower, scientists Alfred Russel Wallace and Albert Einstein, essayists John Ruskin and Albert Jay Nock, jurists Louis D. Brandeis and Samuel Seabury, columnists William F. Buckley and Michael Kinsley, and statesmen Winston Churchill and Sun Yat-sen. These names cover the entire political spectrum from Conservative to Liberal, yet all of them saw something of immense value in George’s thought. I’ll take time to quote from only one of these testimonials — the one by Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the founder and first president of the Republic of China. “I intend,” he declared, “to devote my future to the welfare of the Chinese people. The teachings of Henry George will be the basis of our program of reform.” I think we may safely say that had Dr. Sun lived to carry out his promise, the Chinese mainland would not today be Red. But Taiwan, where it has been carried out, by no means fully but to a considerable extent, has, as a result, witnessed a spectacular transformation from abysmal poverty to vibrant prosperity distributed so as to benefit all levels of the population.

    I said that I’d quote from only one testimonial, and I’ll keep my word. But I do consider it apposite to mention that Count Tolstoy, author of War and Peace, Anna Karenina, and of the explicitly Georgist novel, Resurrection, wrote a long letter to Tsar Nicholas II in January, 1902, warning of mounting public disaffection, and pleading for reform along Georgist lines as the most immediate measure necessitated both by the demands of justice and the threat of socialist revolution. It was followed in May of the same year by a letter to another member of the imperial family, spelling out the specifics of George’s proposal. May one not reasonably assume that, had Tolstoy’s warning and plea been heeded, Russia would have been spared more than seven decades of Communist tyranny; its satellite and subject nations, their respective periods of Marxist domination; and the West, the burden of the Cold War? Or that, by disregarding that warning and that plea, Nicholas II forfeited the lives of hapless millions, including, ironically, his own and those of his cherished wife and children.

    For a long time, it was the fashion among academic economists to ignore or patronize Henry George — whether for his lack of formal credentials, for his propensity to mingle moral arguments with economic ones, or for other perceived intellectual crimes even more monstrous. Today, this is becoming less and less the case, although, of course, there were honorable exceptions from the outset. But now we find economists of every stripe, including at least four Nobel Laureates, united in agreement that George has much to say that is of vital contemporary importance. The list is far too long to read in its entirety, but it includes such names as Gary Becker, Kenneth Boulding, James Buchanan, Milton Friedman, Mason Gaffney, Lowell Harriss, Alfred Kahn, Arthur Laffer, Franco Modigliani, Warren Samuels, Robert Solow, James Tobin, and William Vickrey — the last of whom served recently as president of the American Economic Association.

    In the preface to the fourth edition of Progress and Poverty, Henry George wrote: “What I have done in this book, if I have correctly solved the great problem I have sought to investigate, is to unite the truth perceived by the school of [Adam] Smith and Ricardo to the truth perceived by the schools of Proudhon and Lasalle; to show that laissez faire (in its full true meaning) opens the way to a realization of the noble dreams of socialism…” Let us return now to our illustration of the economic jigsaw puzzle, and take a look at the pieces which he selected from the two tables of Capitalism and Socialism.

    We will begin with the Capitalist table. George considered himself a purifier of Capitalism, not its enemy. He built upon the foundations laid by the classical economists. The skeleton of his system is essentially Capitalist. In fact, Karl Marx referred to George’s teaching as “Capitalism’s last ditch.” George believed in competition, in the free market, in the unrestricted operation of the laws of supply and demand. He distrusted government and despised bureaucracy. He was no egalitarian leveler; the only equality he sought was equal freedom of opportunity. Actually, what he intended was to make free enterprise truly free, by ridding it of the monopolistic hobbles which prevent its effective operation.

    In his book, The Condition of Labor, George said: “We differ from the Socialists in our diagnosis of the evil, and we differ from them in remedies. We have no fear of capital, regarding it as the natural handmaiden of labor; we look on interest in itself as natural and just; we would set no limit to accumulation, nor impose on the rich any burden that is not equally placed on the poor; we see no evil in competition, but deem unrestricted competition to be as necessary to the health of the industrial and social organism as the free circulation of the blood is to the bodily organism — to be the agency whereby the fullest cooperation is to be secured.”

    Why did George take so many pieces from the Capitalist table? Because, I think, they are all corollaries of one big piece, namely, the moral justification for private property. You see, George, who was a devout though non-sectarian Christian, had a stout belief in the God-given dignity of the individual. This dignity, he held, demands that we recognize that the individual possesses an absolute and inalienable right to himself, which is forfeited only when he refuses to accord the same right to others. The right to one’s self implies the right to one’s labor, which is an extension of one’s self, and therefore to the product of one’s labor – to use it, to enjoy it, to give it away, to destroy it, to bequeath it, or even (if one so desires) to bury it in the ground.

    Now, taxation as ordinarily understood, especially when based upon the “ability to pay” principle, is a denial of this right. It is a denial of it because it represents a tribute levied on the product of an individual’s labor. It is a denial of it because it rests upon the assumption that the community at large has a right to assess individuals disproportionately to the benefits which they receive from the community at large. And so George rejects as collectivistic many institutions that most present-day defenders of free enterprise would never dream of questioning – income taxes, tariffs, sales taxes, corporate taxes, personal property taxes, etc. This makes him in one sense an arch-Conservative, yet prominent Socialists like Walter Rauschenbusch and George Bernard Shaw have testified that it was Henry George who first kindled their concern for social justice. To understand the reason for this, we must direct our attention to the other table, the table labeled “Socialism.”

    In fitting together the economic jigsaw puzzle, George took only two pieces from the Socialist table. But what large and what strategic pieces they were! The first of these was his insistence that all persons come into the world with an equal right of access to the goods of nature. The second was his contention that the community has a right to take that which the community produces.

    Actually, these pieces had landed on the Socialist table only by default. They had originally been part of the theory of Capitalism, as outlined by John Locke, the Physiocrats, and Adam Smith. But Capitalism in practice ignored them, and so became a distorted caricature. George’s notion was to rescue these lost elements, and restore balance and proportion to the Capitalist table.

    Now, if private property derives its moral justification from the right of a human being to the fruits of his or her own efforts, clearly the land and the other goods of nature do not belong in the category of private property because no human efforts created them. And the value that attaches to them is not the result of anything their title-holder does to them; it is the result of the presence and activity of the community around them. Someone can build a skyscraper in the desert and the ground upon which it stands will not be worth a penny more because of it, yet a city lot with nothing on it may be worth a fortune simply because of the number of people who pass by it daily.

    Why, asked Henry George in effect, should private individuals be allowed to fatten upon the unearned increment of land — upon the rise in value which the community creates because of population increase and the growth of public services? Why should certain people be allowed to levy tribute upon others who desire access to their common heritage? But, you might object, the present owner may have paid hard-earned money for his land. Has he not, therefore, a vested right? To this, George would have answered: If one unwittingly buys stolen goods, the rectitude of one’s intentions establishes no right against the legitimate owner of those goods.

    Henry George was not the first thinker to comprehend the difference between land and other kinds of property. John Locke said that “God gave the world in common to all mankind…. When the ‘sacredness’ of property is talked of, it should be remembered that any such sacredness does not belong in the same degree to landed property.” William Blackstone wrote: “The earth, and all things therein, are the general property of all man-kind, from the immediate gift of the Creator.” Thomas Paine stated that “men did not make the earth… It is the value of the improvements only, and not the earth itself, that is individual property.” According to Thomas Jefferson, “The earth is given as a common stock for men to labor and live on.”

    John Stuart Mill wrote: “The increase in the value of land, arising as it does from the efforts of an entire community, should belong to the community and not to the individual who might hold title.” Abraham Lincoln said: “The land, the earth God gave to man for his home, sustenance, and support, should never be the possession of any man, corporation, society, or unfriendly government, any more than the air or water, if as much.” In the words of Herbert Spencer, “equity does not permit property in land … The world is God’s bequest to mankind. All men are joint heirs to it.”

    But it was Henry George who emphasized this distinction and placed it at the very center of his system. At present we have the ironic spectacle of the community penalizing the individual for his industry and initiative, and taking away from him a share of that which he produces, while at the same time lavishing upon the nonproducer undeserved windfalls which it — the community — produces. Henry George built his whole program around the principle: Let the individual keep all of that which he or she produces, and let the community keep all of that which it produces.

    Land monopoly is the great monkey-wrench which is caught in the works of the free enterprise system, and which prevents the proper meshing of its gears; it is the hidden cancer that is eating out the heart of Capitalism. Early in this century, a great statesman described its virulent effects in the following words: “While the land is what is called ‘ripening’ for the unearned increment of its owner, the merchant going to his office and the artisan going to his work must detour or pay a fare to avoid it. The people lose their chance of using the land, the city and state lose the taxes which would have accrued if the natural development had taken place, and all the while the land monopolist has only to sit still and watch complacently his property multiplying in value, sometimes many fold, without either effort or contribution on his part.

    This evil process strikes at every form of industrial activity. The municipality, wishing for broader streets, better houses, more healthy, decent, scientifically planned towns, is made to pay more to get them in proportion as it has exerted itself to make past improvements. The more it has improved the town, the more it will have to pay for any land it may now wish to acquire for further improvements.

    The manufacturer proposing to start a new industry, proposing to erect a great factory offering employment to thousands of hands, is made to pay such a price for his land that the purchase price hangs around the neck of his whole business, hampering his competitive power in every market, clogging him far more than any foreign tariff in his export competition, and the land price strikes down through the profits of the manufacturer on to the wages of the workman.

    No matter where you look or what examples you select, you will see that every form of enterprise, every step in material progress, is only undertaken after the land monopolist has skimmed the cream off for himself, and everywhere today the man or the public body that wishes to put land to its highest use is forced to pay a preliminary fine in land values to the man who is putting it to an inferior use, and in some cases to no use at all. All comes back to the land value, and its owner is able to levy toll upon all other forms of wealth and every form of industry.”

    Those were the words of Winston Churchill. And if you will examine the history of the major American depressions, you will find that virtually every one of them was preceded by a period of intense land speculation which had an inflationary effect upon the whole economy. In 1836, in 1857, in 1873, in 1893, and in 1929 – in every instance, the big crash was precipitated by the bursting of the land bubble.

    The purely economic ramifications of land monopoly are so vast as to be staggering. Land monopoly does not affect rents alone. It affects wages, prices, production, the cost of government, and the distribution of purchasing power. It is the major cause of slums and blighted areas. It is the greatest single breeder of revolution around the world.

    Had it not been for land monopoly, the Bolsheviks could never have gained power in Russia. Mao Tse-tung and his so-called “agrarian reformers” (and I use that term advisedly) could never have wrested control of China. Fidel Castro would never have arisen in Cuba. Because of land monopoly, El Salvador has endured decades of murderous civil war. Because of land monopoly, the Amazon rain forest is being rapidly destroyed to make room for settlers who have been denied a foothold elsewhere except on terms that offer little better than starvation. These are just a few obvious examples, taken almost at random. Because of land monopoly, Latin America and the Middle East are veritable tinder boxes, ready to explode at any moment. We in the U.S. may not yet have reached that state, but we’re moving in that direction. How much longer can we go on propping up a rotten structure by borrowing against the future?

    Well, exactly how did Henry George propose to deal with the problem of land monopoly? Did he advocate that privately held land should be expropriated and divided up? Quite the contrary. That remedy is as ultimately ineffective as it is ancient. There is more truth than fiction in the aphorism that the French Revolution delivered the peasants from the aristocrats only to hand them over to the usurers, and what was true of the peasants was equally true of the soil they tilled. Thus has it ever been with programs of expropriation and redistribution.

    Under Henry George’s system, private land titles would not be disturbed one iota. No one would be expropriated. Instead, the community would simply take something approaching the total annual economic rent of land for public purposes. This amount would be determined by the value of each site on the free market, not by any arbitrary governmental fiat. In other words, the privilege of monopolizing a site is a benefit received from society and for which society should be fully compensated; and so, under the Georgist system, the person who wished to monopolize a site would pay a rent for it to the community, approaching 100 percent of its annual rental value, exclusive of improvements.

    Let me emphasize that last phrase, “exclusive of improvements.” The apartment house owner would pay the full value of his lot, and nothing on his building; the factory owner would pay the full value of his site, and nothing on his factory; the farmer would pay the full value of his ground, and nothing on his structures or his crop, his livestock or his machinery; the homeowner would pay the full value of his lot, and nothing on his house. If the land had no market value, the owner would pay nothing; if it had a value, he would pay regardless of whether he were using it or deriving income from it.

    This would, of course, eliminate all speculative profit in landholding, squeeze the “speculative water” out of land prices, and in effect bring back the frontier by making cheap land readily available to everyone — at least initially. The result would be to raise the margin of production, increase real wages, and stimulate building and productivity. Eventually, the flourishing economy would cause use value to exceed the former speculative value, but instead of being engrossed by those who make no contribution to the economy, land rent would flow into the public coffers in place of taxes levied upon labor and capital. The land-value charge is really what Walt Wryneck so aptly calls “a super user’s fee”. For the privilege of exclusive access to and disposition of a site and its natural resources, the owner pays an indemnity to those who are thereby dispossessed — an indemnity reflecting precisely the market value of his privilege, collected through the tax mechanism and relieving them of the burden of payment for public services. What could be more fair?

    Actually, I daresay that each one of you, probably without realizing it, frequently pays something that partakes of the principle of such a “super user’s fee” whether you own land or not. Every time you put money in a parking meter, you are purchasing a temporary monopoly of the parking space. Don’t ever complain about having to put money in a public parking meter; it’s a bargain for you. You’re getting a free gift from the community — the difference between what you pay and what a commercial parking lot in the vicinity would charge!

    I have spoken of land monopoly as a cancer, and so it is. Yet land often cannot be used efficiently unless monopolized. The Georgist remedy does not provide for the excision of land monopoly but rather for its transformation from malignant to benign. For the monopoly of land can be fair and even salutary if the monopolizer pays into the public treasury a sum that reflects substantially the market value of his privilege.

    Perhaps this would be a good place to interject that when economists speak of “land”, they are talking about nature. The term embraces not only space on the earth’s surface but also natural resources — oil in the ground, virgin timber, wildlife, the oceans and other natural bodies of water, the airwaves, airspace, etc. To capture for the public the value of these natural goods, land-value charges may in some cases need to be supplanted by or combined with other methods such as severance taxes and auctioning of leases. But the principle is the same.

    If time were not limited, I could talk at length about specific advantages of the Georgist system. I could go into the “canons of taxation,” and show how it fulfills better than any other method these ideal criteria whereby economists measure the effectiveness of a system of public revenue. I could give concrete illustrations of how it is working right now in Denmark, in Australia, in New Zealand, in Taiwan, and even in some areas in the U.S.

    This is not the idle pipe-dream of an armchair visionary. It has been tested by experience. Let me just cite the Hutchinson Report, a survey comparing the various Australian states in terms of the degree to which they use the Henry George approach. It found that wages, purchasing power, growth of industry, volume of retail sales, land under cultivation, value of improvements, and population gain through immigration from other states were in every case greater in direct ratio to the proportion of revenues derived from the public collection of ground rent. To me, this is the most conclusive argument anyone could ask for!

    Of course, Henry George’s proposal has nowhere been fully implemented. Even where it has been implemented substantially, its beneficial impact has invariably been blunted by countervailing policies, oftentimes at other levels of government. It is not a panacea. To be completely effective, it would need to be supplemented by other reforms, such as measures to assure a stable currency. But of it this much can be said: All other systems have been found wanting. This alone has worked whenever and wherever it has been tried to the extent that it has been tried. I submit that it is now deserving of actualization on a broader and more thoroughgoing scale.

    Nobody, to my knowledge, advocates that it be instituted whole-hog overnight. But it could be phased in in easy stages so as to obviate the risk of shock and dislocation. And it is my considered opinion that, by the time the system were in full effect, the revenues produced by collecting land values alone would suffice to meet all legitimate public needs. This may not have been true during the Cold War, with its staggering burden of nuclear defense. But with that burden lifted, and with the need for welfare of all kinds evaporated because of the full employment and other social benefits that the system would naturally engender, and for other reasons, which time precludes my specifying here, I really think that we could dispense with taxes on incomes, improvements, sales, imports, and all the rest. If I am unduly optimistic in this belief, and the public appropriation of land-values were insufficient, this would be no argument against using it as far as it could go.

    There are two things which a government can never do and still be just: The first of these is to take for public purposes what rightfully belongs to private individuals or corporations. The second is to give to private individuals or corporations what rightfully belongs to the public. All wealth that is privately produced rightfully belongs to private individuals or corporations, and for the government to appropriate it is unjust. But land rent is publicly produced, and for the government to give it to private individuals or corporations is equally unjust. He who thinks himself prepared to justify in principle the private monopolization of land rent, must also be prepared to justify in principle the jobbery of the Tweed Ring and the looting of Teapot Dome – not to mention the escapades of Michael Milken, Ivan Boesky, and Charles Keating.

    In closing, I will summarize with a quotation from the late Dr. Viggo Starke, for many years a member of the Danish cabinet: “What I produce is mine. All mine! What you produce is yours. All yours! But that which none of us produced, but which we all lend value to together, belongs by right to all of us in common.” This, in a nutshell, is the philosophy of Henry George.

    This essay is a revised version of the text of an address delivered by Dr. Andelson, in Great Barrington on 9 July 1992
    to the AIER fellows, staff, and guests.

  • Kenya Constitution: Chapter 5-Land.

    CHAPTER FIVE––LAND AND ENVIRONMENT
    Part 1—land
    60. (1) Land in Kenya shall be held, used and managed in a
    manner that is equitable, efficient, productive and sustainable, and in
    Principles of land
    policy.
    Constitution of Kenya 42 [Rev. 2010
    accordance with the following principles—
    (a) equitable access to land;
    (b) security of land rights;
    (c) sustainable and productive management of land
    resources;
    (d) transparent and cost effective administration of land;
    (e) sound conservation and protection of ecologically sensitive
    areas;
    (f) elimination of gender discrimination in law, customs and
    practices related to land and property in land; and
    (g) encouragement of communities to settle land disputes
    through recognised local community initiatives consistent
    with this Constitution.
    (2) These principles shall be implemented through a national land
    policy developed and reviewed regularly by the national government
    and through legislation.
    61. (1) All land in Kenya belongs to the people of Kenya
    collectively as a nation, as communities and as individuals.
    (2) Land in Kenya is classified as public, community or private.
    62. (1) Public land is—
    (a) land which at the effective date was unalienated government
    land as defined by an Act of Parliament in force at the
    effective date;
    (b) land lawfully held, used or occupied by any State organ,
    except any such land that is occupied by the State organ as
    lessee under a private lease;
    (c) land transferred to the State by way of sale, reversion or
    surrender;
    (d) land in respect of which no individual or community
    ownership can be established by any legal process;
    (e) land in respect of which no heir can be identified by any
    Classification of land.
    Public land.
    Constitution of Kenya 43 Rev. 2010]
    legal process;
    (f) all minerals and mineral oils as defined by law;
    (g) government forests other than forests to which Article 63 (2)
    (d) (i) applies, government game reserves, water catchment
    areas, national parks, government animal sanctuaries, and
    specially protected areas;
    (h) all roads and thoroughfares provided for by an Act of
    Parliament;
    (i) all rivers, lakes and other water bodies as defined by an Act
    of Parliament;
    (j) the territorial sea, the exclusive economic zone and the sea
    bed;
    (k) the continental shelf;
    (l) all land between the high and low water marks;
    (m) any land not classified as private or community land under
    this Constitution; and
    (n) any other land declared to be public land by an Act of
    Parliament—
    (i) in force at the effective date; or
    (ii) enacted after the effective date.
    (2) Public land shall vest in and be held by a county government
    in trust for the people resident in the county, and shall be administered
    on their behalf by the National Land Commission, if it is classified
    under—
    (a) clause (1) (a), (c), (d) or (e); and
    (b) clause (1) (b), other than land held, used or occupied by a
    national State organ.
    (3) Public land classified under clause (1) (f) to (m) shall vest
    in and be held by the national government in trust for the people of
    Kenya and shall be administered on their behalf by the National Land
    Commission.

    Constitution of Kenya 44 [Rev. 2010
    (4) Public land shall not be disposed of or otherwise used except
    in terms of an Act of Parliament specifying the nature and terms of that
    disposal or use.
    63. (1) Community land shall vest in and be held by communities
    identified on the basis of ethnicity, culture or similar community of
    interest.
    (2) Community land consists of—
    (a) land lawfully registered in the name of group representatives
    under the provisions of any law;
    (b) land lawfully transferred to a specific community by any
    process of law;
    (c) any other land declared to be community land by an Act of
    Parliament; and
    (d) land that is—
    (i) lawfully held, managed or used by specific communities
    as community forests, grazing areas or shrines;
    (ii) ancestral lands and lands traditionally occupied by
    hunter-gatherer communities; or
    (iii) lawfully held as trust land by the county governments,
    but not including any public land held in trust by the county
    government under Article 62 (2).
    (3) Any unregistered community land shall be held in trust by
    county governments on behalf of the communities for which it is
    held.
    (4) Community land shall not be disposed of or otherwise used
    except in terms of legislation specifying the nature and extent of the
    rights of members of each community individually and collectively.
    (5) Parliament shall enact legislation to give effect to this
    Article.
    64. Private land consists of —
    (a) registered land held by any person under any freehold
    tenure;
    Community land.
    Private land.

    Constitution of Kenya 45 Rev. 2010]
    (b) land held by any person under leasehold tenure; and
    (c) any other land declared private land under an Act of
    Parliament.
    65. (1) A person who is not a citizen may hold land on the basis
    of leasehold tenure only, and any such lease, however granted, shall
    not exceed ninety-nine years.
    (2) If a provision of any agreement, deed, conveyance or document
    of whatever nature purports to confer on a person who is not a citizen an
    interest in land greater than a ninety-nine year lease, the provision shall
    be regarded as conferring on the person a ninety-nine year leasehold
    interest, and no more.
    (3) For purposes of this Article—
    (a) a body corporate shall be regarded as a citizen only if the
    body corporate is wholly owned by one or more citizens;
    and
    (b) property held in trust shall be regarded as being held by a
    citizen only if all of the beneficial interest of the trust is held
    by persons who are citizens.
    (4) Parliament may enact legislation to make further provision
    for the operation of this Article.
    66. (1) The State may regulate the use of any land, or any interest
    in or right over any land, in the interest of defence, public safety, public
    order, public morality, public health, or land use planning.
    (2) Parliament shall enact legislation ensuring that investments
    in property benefit local communities and their economies.
    67. (1) There is established the National Land Commission.
    (2) The functions of the National Land Commission are—
    (a) to manage public land on behalf of the national and county
    governments;
    (b) to recommend a national land policy to the national
    government;
    (c) to advise the national government on a comprehensive
    Landholding by
    non-citizens.
    Regulation of land
    use and property.
    National Land
    Commission.
    Constitution of Kenya 46 [Rev. 2010
    programme for the registration of title in land throughout
    Kenya;
    (d) to conduct research related to land and the use of natural
    resources, and make recommendations to appropriate
    authorities;
    (e) to initiate investigations, on its own initiative or on a
    complaint, into present or historical land injustices, and
    recommend appropriate redress;
    (f) to encourage the application of traditional dispute resolution
    mechanisms in land conflicts;
    (g) to assess tax on land and premiums on immovable property
    in any area designated by law; and
    (h) to monitor and have oversight responsibilities over land use
    planning throughout the country.
    (3) The National Land Commission may perform any other
    functions prescribed by national legislation.
    68. Parliament shall—
    (a) revise, consolidate and rationalise existing land laws;
    (b) revise sectoral land use laws in accordance with the
    principles set out in Article 60 (1); and
    (c) enact legislation—
    (i) to prescribe minimum and maximum land holding acre-
    ages in respect of private land;
    (ii) to regulate the manner in which any land may be con-
    verted from one category to another;
    (iii) to regulate the recognition and protection of matrimonial
    property and in particular the matrimonial home during
    and on the termination of marriage;
    (iv) to protect, conserve and provide access to all public
    land;
    (v) to enable the review of all grants or dispositions of public
    land to establish their propriety or legality;
    Legislation on land.
    Constitution of Kenya 47 Rev. 2010]
    (vi) to protect the dependants of deceased persons holding
    interests in any land, including the interests of spouses
    in actual occupation of land; and
    (vii) to provide for any other matter necessary to give effect
    to the provisions of this Chapter.
    Part 2—environment and natural resources
    69. (1) The State shall—
    (a) ensure sustainable exploitation, utilisation, management and
    conservation of the environment and natural resources, and
    ensure the equitable sharing of the accruing benefits;
    (b) work to achieve and maintain a tree cover of at least ten per
    cent of the land area of Kenya;
    (c) protect and enhance intellectual property in, and indigenous
    knowledge of, biodiversity and the genetic resources of the
    communities;
    (d) encourage public participation in the management,
    protection and conservation of the environment;
    (e) protect genetic resources and biological diversity;
    (f) establish systems of environmental impact assessment,
    environmental audit and monitoring of the environment;
    (g) eliminate processes and activities that are likely to endanger
    the environment; and
    (h) utilise the environment and natural resources for the benefit
    of the people of Kenya.
    (2) Every person has a duty to cooperate with State organs and
    other persons to protect and conserve the environment and ensure
    ecologically sustainable development and use of natural resources.
    70. (1) If a person alleges that a right to a clean and healthy
    environment recognised and protected under Article 42 has been, is
    being or is likely to be, denied, violated, infringed or threatened, the
    person may apply to a court for redress in addition to any other legal
    remedies that are available in respect to the same matter.
    Obligations in respect
    of the environment.
    Enforcement of
    environmental rights.

    Constitution of Kenya 48 [Rev. 2010
    (2) On application under clause (1), the court may make any order,
    or give any directions, it considers appropriate––
    (a) to prevent, stop or discontinue any act or omission that is
    harmful to the environment;
    (b) to compel any public officer to take measures to prevent
    or discontinue any act or omission that is harmful to the
    environment; or
    (c) to provide compensation for any victim of a violation of the
    right to a clean and healthy environment.
    (3) For the purposes of this Article, an applicant does not have to
    demonstrate that any person has incurred loss or suffered injury.
    71. (1) A transaction is subject to ratification by Parliament if
    it––
    (a) involves the grant of a right or concession by or on behalf
    of any person, including the national government, to another
    person for the exploitation of any natural resource of Kenya;
    and
    (b) is entered into on or after the effective date.
    (2) Parliament shall enact legislation providing for the classes of
    transactions subject to ratification under clause (1).
    72. Parliament shall enact legislation to give full effect to the
    provisions of this Part.
    CHAPTER SIX––LEADERSHIP AND INTEGRITY
    73. (1) Authority assigned to a State officer—
    (a) is a public trust to be exercised in a manner that—
    (i) is consistent with the purposes and objects of this Con-
    stitution;
    (ii) demonstrates respect for the people;
    (iii) brings honour to the nation and dignity to the office;
    and
    (iv) promotes public confidence in the integrity of the
    office; and
    Agreements relating
    to natural resources.
    Legislation relating
    to the environment.
    Responsibilities of
    leadership.

    Constitution of Kenya 49 Rev. 2010]
    (b) vests in the State officer the responsibility to serve the
    people, rather than the power to rule them.
    (2) The guiding principles of leadership and integrity include—
    (a) selection on the basis of personal integrity, competence and
    suitability, or election in free and fair elections;
    (b) objectivity and impartiality in decision making, and in
    ensuring that decisions are not influenced by nepotism,
    favouritism, other improper motives or corrupt practices;
    (c) selfless service based solely on the public interest,
    demonstrated by—
    (i) honesty in the execution of public duties; and
    (ii) the declaration of any personal interest that may conflict
    with public duties;
    (d) accountability to the public for decisions and actions; and
    (e) discipline and commitment in service to the people.
    74. Before assuming a State office, acting in a State office, or
    performing any functions of a State office, a person shall take and
    subscribe the oath or affirmation of office, in the manner and form
    prescribed by the Third Schedule or under an Act of Parliament.
    75. (1) A State officer shall behave, whether in public and official
    life, in private life, or in association with other persons, in a manner
    that avoids—
    (a) any conflict between personal interests and public or official
    duties;
    (b) compromising any public or official interest in favour of a
    personal interest; or
    (c) demeaning the office the officer holds.
    (2) A person who contravenes clause (1), or Article 76, 77 or 78
    (2)—
    (a) shall be subject to the applicable disciplinary procedure for
    the relevant office; and
    Oath of office of
    State officers.
    Conduct of State
    officers.
    Constitution of Kenya 50 [Rev. 2010
    (b) may, in accordance with the disciplinary procedure referred
    to in paragraph (a), be dismissed or otherwise removed from
    office.
    (3) A person who has been dismissed or otherwise removed from
    office for a contravention of the provisions mentioned in clause (2) is
    disqualified from holding any other State office.
    76. (1) A gift or donation to a State officer on a public or official
    occasion is a gift or donation to the Republic and shall be delivered to
    the State unless exempted under an Act of Parliament.
    (2) A State officer shall not—
    (a) maintain a bank account outside Kenya except in accordance
    with an Act of Parliament; or
    (b) seek or accept a personal loan or benefit in circumstances
    that compromise the integrity of the State officer.
    77. (1) A full-time State officer shall not participate in any other
    gainful employment.
    (2) Any appointed State officer shall not hold office in a political
    party.
    (3) A retired State officer who is receiving a pension from public
    funds shall not hold more than two concurrent remunerative positions
    as chairperson, director or employee of—
    (a) a company owned or controlled by the State; or
    (b) a State organ.
    (4) A retired State officer shall not receive remuneration from
    public funds other than as contemplated in clause (3).
    78. (1) A person is not eligible for election or appointment to a
    State office unless the person is a citizen of Kenya.
    (2) A State officer or a member of the defence forces shall not
    hold dual citizenship.
    (3) Clauses (1) and (2) do not apply to—
    (a) judges and members of commissions; or
    Financial probity of
    State officers.
    Restriction on
    activities of State
    officers.
    Citizenship and
    leadership.

  • Employees are Cheaper than Slaves.

    The History of Slavery

    http://gco2e.blogspot.com/2011/11/history-of-slavery.html

    Someone asked me today: Who does finance work for? Good question.

    The answer: Whoever is collecting the largest portion of the economic rents. From the most valuable asset in the world. The Land.

    Across history the class of rent taker has been the same. The landlord. Their common name has changed and their identity has been obscured the more time goes on.

    Today, the de facto Landlord is commonly called a banker. Allow me to show you how:

    Chattel Slavery
    Before land was fully enclosed (free land still existed) rent used to be collected very directly by owning the bodies of people, forcing them to do your work for you on pain of death. For example Egypt, Rome or the USofA. Forced imprisonment of labour was the only way to get the unearned income.Free people would otherwise run to the free land. A very costly form of slavery as the owner of private property in their bodies had to keep them fed, clothed, in a condition well enough to work and sheltered, not to mention capturing them and keeping them chained up. Chattel slavery.

    Wage Slavery
    While commerce was still mostly agricultural but land had become enclosed there was no need to own the bodies of people any more. There was no more free land worth working to run to. Excellent! All land was then rented by the Landlord explicitly. All that was required was a bigger army and conquest or appropriation to secure private property in the land, protected by the full force of the law. The rack rented tenant (now a debtor from birth) could easilly see from whence the lash still though. But it cost far less to free the slaves and charge them maximum rent, than to keep their bodies up in working condition. Let them pay for that. Slavery had become cheaper. Wage slavery.

    Debt Slavery
    As industry proceeded and human rights evolved it became necessary to obscure the destination of the rent and the identity of the rent taking parasites. This was achieved by making land capital, by Marx foolishly and then reinforced by the Chicago school. Astonishingly left and right working in harmony, both keen to enslave the bodies of the people for the “Greater Good”. And thus using the actual people’s money to fully obscure the most insidious form of economic corruption in civilisation. The Corruption of Economics. Rent became mortgage interest, money as debt, making it appear to be fair play. Debt slavery.

    Perfect! This is where we are today. We seem to be at a another watershed though. Where will it go next? So far each iteration has increased the wealth divide at each economic hypercycle.

    Today we dont use the word slaves anymore. Its too obvious. We call them employees.

    I only wish the money and land reformers would wake up to these observed facts.

    Then we might at last be able to unite and proceed towards justice with confidence.
    Posted by Robin Smith at 22:33

  • Creating Money and Wealth

    Creating Money and Wealth

    http://ryuc.info/moneyandwealth/index_money_wealth.htm

    Creating Health is an application of a powerful interdisciplinary understanding of a technology of creativity interlinked through a common set of information to create health, wealth, inner satisfaction or whatever we desire to create

    Copyright 2008 by K. Ferlic, All Rights Reserved

    RYUC Home Why free? Contact Links Programs Services Contributions

    What is it?

    Creating money and wealth captures the observations and lessons learned regarding creating conditions of money and wealth as revealed in a journey of exploration into the nature of our inherent creativity. It is a nontraditional and alternative based view on the issue of creating money and wealth based on the definition of what it means to create. It helps to addresses the issue as to why many individuals find it difficult to create the monetary wealth they seek.

    What is provided here is not the definitive statement on creating money and wealth. Nor is it all that you need to know. Rather it discusses some of the issues and the lessons learned that keep individuals from creating the money and/or wealth they desire in their life. Additionally, it provides some thoughts and recommendations as to what to do about the key issues.

    Background

    There are many books, teachers, consultants and the like that talk about how to make money and creating wealth. Many individuals have careers built on advising individuals as to how to go about doing this. However, everyone is not successful at making money and/or obtaining wealth. If they were, we wouldn’t need all those book and teachers telling us how to do it. There would be no demand for such individuals. So the question is, “Why are some individuals so capable of obtaining money and wealth where as other individuals are not. Yet, both groups often seem to be using the same techniques and/or follow the same advisors?” Creating Money and Wealth provides some thoughts which answer this question.

    Three observed primary issues

    There are three observed issues that seem to arise relative to creating money and wealth. They are: the nature of a truly creative endeavor, the intention for our life, and programming.

    The nature of a truly creative endeavor: To create means to bring into existence something not previously seen or experience or significantly different than the past. Mind only knows the past and what it has experienced. A truly creative endeavor takes us into the unknown where mind has not previously been. All mind can do is extrapolate the past into the future. To create we need to learn to be willing to step out of mind and beyond what mind knows.

    Money is a medium of exchange created by society as an exchange for an expenditure of our creative life energy. That is, we do something and get paid for doing it. Money is a socially acceptable way of exchanging our creative life energy. We provide some type and kind of service by expending our time and creative life energy to perform that service. We are give money as compensation for what we have done. We can then use that money to exchange for the creative life energy others give us in service. Money has no value other than what we give it and is acceptable to another and society. It is often very much tied to what society holds valuable.

    Barter is a form of exchange similar to money except that it tends to be between two individuals rather than society as a whole and it is not in a form normally acceptable by society as the medium of exchange. That is, what is barter between two individuals has value for the individual but not necessarily anyone else. Originally, individuals would barter. “You do this for me, I do this for you.” In time, humans began to exchange things for services. “I will give you this food if you cut this wood.” Eventually, precious materials, such a gold or silver, were use to exchange for goods or services. Money is just a socially acceptable form of exchange of goods and services. To use or think about money ties us both to the past and to the human collective and what it means to be a human being. Money does not exist outside the human collective and beyond what value our mind places on money. This is a very important point. Money ties us to society and what it thinks and believes about money. More importantly it holds us to the past and how money arose to have value in society.

    The key to issue of creating money is that money is a socially accepted tool and money is about exchange our creative life energy. Our creative life energy is what we use to create anything we desire to experience. The fact that money is a socially accepted way of exchanging creative life energy causes us to become tied to the social, if not human, collective just to think about money. It is here where the root of the problem with creating money and wealth lies. To create is to step into the unknown. To think about money ties us to the past and the human collective. In essence, creating and thinking about money creatively pull us in opposite directions.

    Wealth is similarly tied to what it means to be a human being and the human collective. Wealth only exists in comparison to some standard of comparison held by the human mind. Wealth has no meaning outside of what our mind and society holds a valuable. To think about wealth ties us to the past and to the human collective.

    In understanding these concepts, we can see the difficultly in truly creating money and wealth. Focusing on money and the normal ways money is made is to live in the past and takes us in the opposite direction in which we need to go to create While the intention and act of creating is pulling us into the unknown, the very thing we desire to create pulls us into the past. But there are some key things one can do to create money and wealth and not be pulled into the past.

    Making money and making wealth is different than creating money and creating wealth. Most individuals do not create money and wealth. Rather they make money and make wealth based on well identified or not so well identified principles. To make money or make wealth, it is to follow the proven path. However, the proven path is not a creative path. Attempting to follow the path of another even if it is new for you is to follow the proven path A proven path is one that we know the rules that govern the path. Few truly create. A creative path is one where we have no idea of the rules that are actually influencing what we create. Often individuals think they are creating something when they are following a proven path.

    To make money is to follow discovered and established ways. Creating money and creating wealth is about stepping into the unknown. Often what occurs is that an individual thinks they are making money or making wealth when they are actually creating a path and they don’t really understand exactly what they are doing, why they are doing it and why they are successful. In actually they are stepping into the unknown when they think they are think they know what they are doing. This is why when someone then tries to copy what they individual had done they do not find the success they seek. Quite simply what the individual did is not what they think they did and report to others as having done. This is more common than most realize.

    It needs to be understood, there are fundamental rules that govern Physical Creation. For example, a living organism needs food, water and air to exists. Air is difficult to control. However, individuals can control the availability of food and water. As long as they are plentiful and readily available sources of food and water, there are no supply and demand issues. However, if food or water becomes scare, the issue of supply and demand arises. The individuals who control the supply can force those who have the demand to pay what is asked for what is supplied. Those who control the supply are seen to have wealth and can create more wealth by how they manipulate those who have the need. Although water and food are used as an example, this is true for anything that can be exchanged between two individuals. However, often things that are exchanged between individuals have no real value other than what the individual give it. In this regard, often there is a illusion around where is of real and lasting value.

    To manipulate the existing rules of Creation as they have been manipulated in the past is not creating. It is repeating the past. To manipulate the rules of Creation in a new way not previously done is a creative endeavor. However, anyone else who follows is only repeating the past and not creating. They may be creating a new experience for themselves but not in the overall context of society and what it means to create money and wealth relative to society. To do for oneself for the first time what another has done is to create in a very shallow way. The only unknown one enters is the unknown of ones’ own being. One does not enter the unknown relative to what money is and what wealth is relative to society.

    To truly create money and wealth is to find is about finding, stumbling into, or creating something that does not currently exist that captures the interest of society such that members of society are willing to exchange money. In this regard, many take credit for making money on supplying something new that society desires or find useful. But it is not necessarily the individual’s thinking that has made the money. It is that they happened to be at the right place at the right time with the right idea or thought that society wants. That is, whomever was there first got the rewards.

    If one looks carefully, most inventions/innovations are based on thoughts carried by several if not many different people about the same time. However, there is usually only one individual that is in the right place at the right time for them to be able to do the right thing to bring their thought to manifestation and be noticed by society. In doing so, their idea takes off. Or, someone takes the idea of another and can do something with that thought that the originator of the idea cannot do that captures the attention of society. When society is willing to pay for something, wealth and money flow to the individual who control what is supplied. Of course, someone who sees what is happening and the interest society has for a new idea can also capitalize on that interest. However, they are not creating, the creation is done. They are copying and/or capitalizing on the creative efforts of another.

    The bottom line here is that to create money and wealth, there are two things which need to be happen. One is the need to be willing to step into the unknown where there is no guarantee of success and also find something of interest to society as whole No matter how magnificent a finding, if it does not hold the interest of society, money and wealth will not result.

    One can always look for something that is new and interests society. Many do this all the time. But this is a very hit and miss operation and we are foolish to think this will bring us the money and wealth we desire. However, if we have an intuitive feel, then we probably should pursue it for that brings us to the second issue we face in creating money and wealth and that is the intention for our life.

    The intention for our life: Although many do not believe this or even have a belief system that allows for it, we are not here by accident. There is a reason for us being here in Physical Creation in a human body having a human physical experience. There are things our creative spirit incarnated to do and particular types and kinds of experiences it incarnated to have. This was probably the second most significant findings in the exploration of our inherent creativity. The first was that we each possess a creative spirit that needs to be free to unfold and create what it desires to create. When that was realized, it become rather obvious this creative spirit was here on a mission so to speak and that mission is best reflected in an intention for our life or the business of our life.

    It is this particular issue that give individuals that great problem in creating money and wealth. Quite simply, many of us are not here to create and/or make money and wealth. We are here to do other things and have other experiences. Having sufficient money and wealth to live life to accomplish what we incarnated to do is one thing. Having the money and wealth that many seek will in fact keeps many of us from what we are here to do. As a minimum the focus of our attention and awareness gets divert from what we need to do. To create or make money and wealth requires a particular type and kind of focus of our attention and awareness. To be focused on making or creating money and wealth takes the focus of our attention and awareness away from other things. The diversion of our focus may not allow us to fulfill the intention for our life. This separation from creating what we incarnated to do creates a tension if not pain within our being.

    Yet, there are others that are here specifically to have the experience of creating and/or making money and wealth. We each are a very unique creation and actually a world unto ourselves. It is just that we are having a shared collective experience of Physical Creation We each have very unique purposes for being here. It needs to be understood the intention for our life acts as a deep undercurrent directing our life into the types and kinds of experiences we desire to have. The intention for our life is the source of our life and the source of our creative power in this life. Some may find themselves seemingly continually pulled from having the money and wealth their mind desires for other types and kinds of experiences.

    When we are not aligned in some way with the intention for our life, we rob ourselves of both life and our creative power. When we move against the intention for our life we may feel discomfort, depression, separation, an inner longing or outright inner pain if not accident, illness or disease. We may find we do not seem to have or are incapable of accessing the creative ability and creative power and/or the active creative imagination that allows us to create what our mind wants. We can read all the books in the world on given topic, have all the lessons and coaching that is possible, and have the best advisors that can be had and still not be successful. Or, we may find and get what our mind thinks is success but we still experience a great dissatisfaction and discomfort and a lack such that we are not satisfied.

    When we align with the intention for our life there is an easiness about life. There is a fulfillment in what we do no matter how much money we make and whether or not we are wealthy in the eyes of the world. There in a inner satisfaction that never runs dry no matter what is happening in the world in what we do. Wealth as viewed by society becomes irrelevant to what we do and how we do it. If what we do is readily accepted by society the money will flow. If what we do is not accepted by society there is an awareness that what we incarnated to do may be to take society into places where it has not yet been and we here to help create those new experiences. Although there may be a mental disappointment as not getting the rewards from society that mind desires, the inner satisfaction never leaves in what we do as long as we are doing what we incarnated to do. It is this point that takes us to the third issue we face, the programming we have received about life.

    Programming: Programming affects what we are capable of creating in two ways. It affects what we create by what we think we know and by what we don’t know.

    Relative to what we think, whether we realize it or not, based on the experiences we have had and who and what we have been enculturated to believe, we have been programmed to believe how the world and society works and who and what we are. Our programming is not always correct on any of these points. We then make assumptions based on what we think and believe and this programming as to how we should act and respond in the world to create what we desire that are not always valid. Additionally, what we think is happening in a given situation is not always what is really happening. We are biased in what we experience by how and what we have come to think and believe. In the end, we seem unable to create what we desire. Relative to what we think and believe it is important to take inventory to see if what we think and believe is really correct.

    Relative to what we don’t know, there are rules which govern Physical Creation and there are rules which govern our society. Often we are not aware of the rules. Normally, the rules of Physical Creation will not be within our power to change. Although the rules governing our society may not be in our power to change, we don’t have to follow the rules of society if we are willing to face the consequences of going outside the rules of society to follow the Left Hand Path or to simply violate the rules of society. Many seek to circumvent the rules of society or push the edge of their limit simply to have society reviews it rules to address such actions.

    In either case, unless our programming is an accurate reflection of the rules of Physical Creation and the rules of our society, what we think and believe will actually interfere and/or impede with want we desire to create. We may find we will need to spend some time and effort learning the rules of Physical Creation and/or our society relative to what we desire to create until we obtain the minimum set of experience we need to have in the area of question. How much time this take depends on how we desire to go about creating what we desire. To create money and wealth, many think they need to get some type and kind of business or management related college degree. However, with a clear intention, we can allow our intuitive guidance to guide us to obtain what we need to manifest our desired creation.

    The topic, “Aspects of programming which can affect our creative ability” provides some thoughts as to what areas of our enculturation which may be affecting our ability to create money and wealth.

    Some areas of which to be aware

    In attempting to create money and wealth, in addition to the three primary issues above, there are several things of which we should be aware as to why they exist and what we can do about them. Otherwise their existence can, and most probably will, interfere with our creative endeavor.

    Issue of inner lack: We need to remember money is a socially approved medium of exchange of our creative life energy. As such it is related to creating or taking away life in come way. Our inner world is reflected in the outer world. If we do not create the feeling of abundance within our being, no matter how successful we may become in the eyes of the world we will not find what we seek. We will never have enough no matter how much we have. We cannot get externally what needs to come internally. Many look to creating money and wealth to satisfy the feeling of an inner lack, a inner longing and/or some other feeling of discomfort within. The topic, “Issue of inner lack.” discusses the main issue we face when we don’t feel abundance in life, a inner lace or an inner longing within our being.

    The issue of fear and the unknown: If you are not going to follow another’s path to make money and wealth and truly desire to create them, you will have to step into the unknown. For many, to think about the unknown, let alone entering the unknown, causes fear to arise. There are an enormous number of failed adventures one can point as to why it is unsafe to pursue creating money and wealth. However, we cannot fear the unknown. We can only fear the past and project that fear into the future. Yet it is foolish not realize there are true hazards in the unknown. The topics “Dealing with fear” provides some thoughts and considerations about dealing with fear.

    Requirement to manifest an intention or desire: There are some essential things which must be addressed to manifest any intention or desire. The topic, “Five requirements to manifest and intention or desire,” provides a summary of five such requirements. There are other things which need to be considered but these five appear to be the basic essential requirements.

    To create is to be different: To create requires us to step into the unknown and out of mind as we know mind. That is we must step out of what we think and believe and the ego we have created as a result of the experiences we have. In doing so, we will look different to those in our life. Some will like what they see, others will not. If we are not prepared to become different and to be seen different from those in our life we will thwart our own creative efforts.

    A suggested approach to create money and wealth

    The issue we face in creating money and/or wealth is to be able to step into the unknown to find the creative solution we seek yet not be pulled into the collective human thinking that arises when we think about money and wealth. It needs to be reiterated, to create by its very definition is to bring into existence something not previously seen and/or experienced or it is significantly different than the past. Our mind only knows the past and what we have experienced. So it is of little use in guiding us in the unknown. If we focus on money and wealth the way society views money and wealth we will continually be pulled into the past thwarting our own creative efforts.

    To enter the unknown to create money and wealth, we need a different method and approach to navigate into, and through, the unknown. What this means is that if we follow our mind, we will simply be recreating the past in a different way. If we want to be free of the past to experience something different to create that money and wealth, we need to learn to somehow step out of mind. But if we are to step out of mind, how can we find our way?

    The answer lies in feminine creative power and the feminine aspect of our being. The feminine aspect of our being is what is nourishing and sustaining our life and any creation and/or creative endeavor. By learning to align with the flow of energy that sustains our life we optimize the creative power available to us to create what we desire to create. Here in lies an approach. Look to find something desired by society which aligns with the intention for our life. The recommendation is to set the intention and in holding that intention so as to not lose focus, ask our intuitive guidance, “What does society desire and need that aligns with the intention for my life?” Then, pursue that intention honoring the guidance received trusting in the creative process to create what society desires. Then, in meeting the desires of society trust that society will be willing to provided the necessary money and wealth to satisfy your true needs. Here again, not what our mind wants and thinks are our needs, but our true need.

    The issue is not necessary to have lots of money or wealth in society. The issue is to have sufficient money and wealth but to have a fulfillment of life and in living life. Aligning with and living the intention for our life will fulfill that need.

    A gentle phoenix for creating money and wealth

    Any creative endeavor requires a sacrifice and an experience of the chaos of creation. Sacrifice and chaos are part of the creative process. The sacrifice of creation is often experienced as a death accompanied by pain. Although there are things that do need to be faced in any creative endeavor which can give rise to pain, it is possible to create a gentle phoenix for any creative endeavor we wish to undertake. In this regard, we can create a gentle phoenix to create money and wealth.

    To create that gentle phoenix we need to be willing to become the embodiment of the principles as to how our inner world is reflected in the outer world. We need to see how what we think and believe is creating the experiences we have. That is, the pain we experience within our being is reflective of how our consciousness is not free to transform itself to become the seed for the new experience we desire to have.

    To create a gentle phoenix, we need to give ourselves permission and the safe and secure space within our own being to enter our creative imagination and explore options. If we do not have the freedom within our own being to explore options, we will never find the freedom in our external world to do what we need to do to create that gentle phoenix. In particular, we need to look to see where we do and do not hold our own creativity sacred and move to create that space and way of being were we do hold it sacred. In doing so, we will have the inspiration and understanding to make any creative endeavor as fast, easy and gentle as possible. However, we do need to remember as discussed in the topic, “Growing our creation” is that Physical Creation is a place of unfoldment and we need to grow our creation.

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  • How to make wealth.

    May 2004

    (This essay was originally published in Hackers & Painters.)

    If you wanted to get rich, how would you do it? I think your best bet would be to start or join a startup. That’s been a reliable way to get rich for hundreds of years. The word “startup” dates from the 1960s, but what happens in one is very similar to the venture-backed trading voyages of the Middle Ages.

    Startups usually involve technology, so much so that the phrase “high-tech startup” is almost redundant. A startup is a small company that takes on a hard technical problem.

    Lots of people get rich knowing nothing more than that. You don’t have to know physics to be a good pitcher. But I think it could give you an edge to understand the underlying principles. Why do startups have to be small? Will a startup inevitably stop being a startup as it grows larger? And why do they so often work on developing new technology? Why are there so many startups selling new drugs or computer software, and none selling corn oil or laundry detergent?

    The Proposition

    Economically, you can think of a startup as a way to compress your whole working life into a few years. Instead of working at a low intensity for forty years, you work as hard as you possibly can for four. This pays especially well in technology, where you earn a premium for working fast.

    Here is a brief sketch of the economic proposition. If you’re a good hacker in your mid twenties, you can get a job paying about $80,000 per year. So on average such a hacker must be able to do at least $80,000 worth of work per year for the company just to break even. You could probably work twice as many hours as a corporate employee, and if you focus you can probably get three times as much done in an hour. [1] You should get another multiple of two, at least, by eliminating the drag of the pointy-haired middle manager who would be your boss in a big company. Then there is one more multiple: how much smarter are you than your job description expects you to be? Suppose another multiple of three. Combine all these multipliers, and I’m claiming you could be 36 times more productive than you’re expected to be in a random corporate job. [2] If a fairly good hacker is worth $80,000 a year at a big company, then a smart hacker working very hard without any corporate bullshit to slow him down should be able to do work worth about $3 million a year.

    Like all back-of-the-envelope calculations, this one has a lot of wiggle room. I wouldn’t try to defend the actual numbers. But I stand by the structure of the calculation. I’m not claiming the multiplier is precisely 36, but it is certainly more than 10, and probably rarely as high as 100.

    If $3 million a year seems high, remember that we’re talking about the limit case: the case where you not only have zero leisure time but indeed work so hard that you endanger your health.

    Startups are not magic. They don’t change the laws of wealth creation. They just represent a point at the far end of the curve. There is a conservation law at work here: if you want to make a million dollars, you have to endure a million dollars’ worth of pain. For example, one way to make a million dollars would be to work for the Post Office your whole life, and save every penny of your salary. Imagine the stress of working for the Post Office for fifty years. In a startup you compress all this stress into three or four years. You do tend to get a certain bulk discount if you buy the economy-size pain, but you can’t evade the fundamental conservation law. If starting a startup were easy, everyone would do it.

    Millions, not Billions

    If $3 million a year seems high to some people, it will seem low to others. Three million? How do I get to be a billionaire, like Bill Gates?

    So let’s get Bill Gates out of the way right now. It’s not a good idea to use famous rich people as examples, because the press only write about the very richest, and these tend to be outliers. Bill Gates is a smart, determined, and hardworking man, but you need more than that to make as much money as he has. You also need to be very lucky.

    There is a large random factor in the success of any company. So the guys you end up reading about in the papers are the ones who are very smart, totally dedicated, and win the lottery. Certainly Bill is smart and dedicated, but Microsoft also happens to have been the beneficiary of one of the most spectacular blunders in the history of business: the licensing deal for DOS. No doubt Bill did everything he could to steer IBM into making that blunder, and he has done an excellent job of exploiting it, but if there had been one person with a brain on IBM’s side, Microsoft’s future would have been very different. Microsoft at that stage had little leverage over IBM. They were effectively a component supplier. If IBM had required an exclusive license, as they should have, Microsoft would still have signed the deal. It would still have meant a lot of money for them, and IBM could easily have gotten an operating system elsewhere.

    Instead IBM ended up using all its power in the market to give Microsoft control of the PC standard. From that point, all Microsoft had to do was execute. They never had to bet the company on a bold decision. All they had to do was play hardball with licensees and copy more innovative products reasonably promptly.

    If IBM hadn’t made this mistake, Microsoft would still have been a successful company, but it could not have grown so big so fast. Bill Gates would be rich, but he’d be somewhere near the bottom of the Forbes 400 with the other guys his age.

    There are a lot of ways to get rich, and this essay is about only one of them. This essay is about how to make money by creating wealth and getting paid for it. There are plenty of other ways to get money, including chance, speculation, marriage, inheritance, theft, extortion, fraud, monopoly, graft, lobbying, counterfeiting, and prospecting. Most of the greatest fortunes have probably involved several of these.

    The advantage of creating wealth, as a way to get rich, is not just that it’s more legitimate (many of the other methods are now illegal) but that it’s more straightforward. You just have to do something people want.

    Money Is Not Wealth

    If you want to create wealth, it will help to understand what it is. Wealth is not the same thing as money. [3] Wealth is as old as human history. Far older, in fact; ants have wealth. Money is a comparatively recent invention.

    Wealth is the fundamental thing. Wealth is stuff we want: food, clothes, houses, cars, gadgets, travel to interesting places, and so on. You can have wealth without having money. If you had a magic machine that could on command make you a car or cook you dinner or do your laundry, or do anything else you wanted, you wouldn’t need money. Whereas if you were in the middle of Antarctica, where there is nothing to buy, it wouldn’t matter how much money you had.

    Wealth is what you want, not money. But if wealth is the important thing, why does everyone talk about making money? It is a kind of shorthand: money is a way of moving wealth, and in practice they are usually interchangeable. But they are not the same thing, and unless you plan to get rich by counterfeiting, talking about making money can make it harder to understand how to make money.

    Money is a side effect of specialization. In a specialized society, most of the things you need, you can’t make for yourself. If you want a potato or a pencil or a place to live, you have to get it from someone else.

    How do you get the person who grows the potatoes to give you some? By giving him something he wants in return. But you can’t get very far by trading things directly with the people who need them. If you make violins, and none of the local farmers wants one, how will you eat?

    The solution societies find, as they get more specialized, is to make the trade into a two-step process. Instead of trading violins directly for potatoes, you trade violins for, say, silver, which you can then trade again for anything else you need. The intermediate stuff– the medium of exchange– can be anything that’s rare and portable. Historically metals have been the most common, but recently we’ve been using a medium of exchange, called the dollar, that doesn’t physically exist. It works as a medium of exchange, however, because its rarity is guaranteed by the U.S. Government.

    The advantage of a medium of exchange is that it makes trade work. The disadvantage is that it tends to obscure what trade really means. People think that what a business does is make money. But money is just the intermediate stage– just a shorthand– for whatever people want. What most businesses really do is make wealth. They do something people want. [4]

    The Pie Fallacy

    A surprising number of people retain from childhood the idea that there is a fixed amount of wealth in the world. There is, in any normal family, a fixed amount of money at any moment. But that’s not the same thing.

    When wealth is talked about in this context, it is often described as a pie. “You can’t make the pie larger,” say politicians. When you’re talking about the amount of money in one family’s bank account, or the amount available to a government from one year’s tax revenue, this is true. If one person gets more, someone else has to get less.

    I can remember believing, as a child, that if a few rich people had all the money, it left less for everyone else. Many people seem to continue to believe something like this well into adulthood. This fallacy is usually there in the background when you hear someone talking about how x percent of the population have y percent of the wealth. If you plan to start a startup, then whether you realize it or not, you’re planning to disprove the Pie Fallacy.

    What leads people astray here is the abstraction of money. Money is not wealth. It’s just something we use to move wealth around. So although there may be, in certain specific moments (like your family, this month) a fixed amount of money available to trade with other people for things you want, there is not a fixed amount of wealth in the world. You can make more wealth. Wealth has been getting created and destroyed (but on balance, created) for all of human history.

    Suppose you own a beat-up old car. Instead of sitting on your butt next summer, you could spend the time restoring your car to pristine condition. In doing so you create wealth. The world is– and you specifically are– one pristine old car the richer. And not just in some metaphorical way. If you sell your car, you’ll get more for it.

    In restoring your old car you have made yourself richer. You haven’t made anyone else poorer. So there is obviously not a fixed pie. And in fact, when you look at it this way, you wonder why anyone would think there was. [5]

    Kids know, without knowing they know, that they can create wealth. If you need to give someone a present and don’t have any money, you make one. But kids are so bad at making things that they consider home-made presents to be a distinct, inferior, sort of thing to store-bought ones– a mere expression of the proverbial thought that counts. And indeed, the lumpy ashtrays we made for our parents did not have much of a resale market.

    Craftsmen

    The people most likely to grasp that wealth can be created are the ones who are good at making things, the craftsmen. Their hand-made objects become store-bought ones. But with the rise of industrialization there are fewer and fewer craftsmen. One of the biggest remaining groups is computer programmers.

    A programmer can sit down in front of a computer and create wealth. A good piece of software is, in itself, a valuable thing. There is no manufacturing to confuse the issue. Those characters you type are a complete, finished product. If someone sat down and wrote a web browser that didn’t suck (a fine idea, by the way), the world would be that much richer. [5b]

    Everyone in a company works together to create wealth, in the sense of making more things people want. Many of the employees (e.g. the people in the mailroom or the personnel department) work at one remove from the actual making of stuff. Not the programmers. They literally think the product, one line at a time. And so it’s clearer to programmers that wealth is something that’s made, rather than being distributed, like slices of a pie, by some imaginary Daddy.

    It’s also obvious to programmers that there are huge variations in the rate at which wealth is created. At Viaweb we had one programmer who was a sort of monster of productivity. I remember watching what he did one long day and estimating that he had added several hundred thousand dollars to the market value of the company. A great programmer, on a roll, could create a million dollars worth of wealth in a couple weeks. A mediocre programmer over the same period will generate zero or even negative wealth (e.g. by introducing bugs).

    This is why so many of the best programmers are libertarians. In our world, you sink or swim, and there are no excuses. When those far removed from the creation of wealth– undergraduates, reporters, politicians– hear that the richest 5% of the people have half the total wealth, they tend to think injustice! An experienced programmer would be more likely to think is that all? The top 5% of programmers probably write 99% of the good software.

    Wealth can be created without being sold. Scientists, till recently at least, effectively donated the wealth they created. We are all richer for knowing about penicillin, because we’re less likely to die from infections. Wealth is whatever people want, and not dying is certainly something we want. Hackers often donate their work by writing open source software that anyone can use for free. I am much the richer for the operating system FreeBSD, which I’m running on the computer I’m using now, and so is Yahoo, which runs it on all their servers.

    What a Job Is

    In industrialized countries, people belong to one institution or another at least until their twenties. After all those years you get used to the idea of belonging to a group of people who all get up in the morning, go to some set of buildings, and do things that they do not, ordinarily, enjoy doing. Belonging to such a group becomes part of your identity: name, age, role, institution. If you have to introduce yourself, or someone else describes you, it will be as something like, John Smith, age 10, a student at such and such elementary school, or John Smith, age 20, a student at such and such college.

    When John Smith finishes school he is expected to get a job. And what getting a job seems to mean is joining another institution. Superficially it’s a lot like college. You pick the companies you want to work for and apply to join them. If one likes you, you become a member of this new group. You get up in the morning and go to a new set of buildings, and do things that you do not, ordinarily, enjoy doing. There are a few differences: life is not as much fun, and you get paid, instead of paying, as you did in college. But the similarities feel greater than the differences. John Smith is now John Smith, 22, a software developer at such and such corporation.

    In fact John Smith’s life has changed more than he realizes. Socially, a company looks much like college, but the deeper you go into the underlying reality, the more different it gets.

    What a company does, and has to do if it wants to continue to exist, is earn money. And the way most companies make money is by creating wealth. Companies can be so specialized that this similarity is concealed, but it is not only manufacturing companies that create wealth. A big component of wealth is location. Remember that magic machine that could make you cars and cook you dinner and so on? It would not be so useful if it delivered your dinner to a random location in central Asia. If wealth means what people want, companies that move things also create wealth. Ditto for many other kinds of companies that don’t make anything physical. Nearly all companies exist to do something people want.

    And that’s what you do, as well, when you go to work for a company. But here there is another layer that tends to obscure the underlying reality. In a company, the work you do is averaged together with a lot of other people’s. You may not even be aware you’re doing something people want. Your contribution may be indirect. But the company as a whole must be giving people something they want, or they won’t make any money. And if they are paying you x dollars a year, then on average you must be contributing at least x dollars a year worth of work, or the company will be spending more than it makes, and will go out of business.

    Someone graduating from college thinks, and is told, that he needs to get a job, as if the important thing were becoming a member of an institution. A more direct way to put it would be: you need to start doing something people want. You don’t need to join a company to do that. All a company is is a group of people working together to do something people want. It’s doing something people want that matters, not joining the group. [6]

    For most people the best plan probably is to go to work for some existing company. But it is a good idea to understand what’s happening when you do this. A job means doing something people want, averaged together with everyone else in that company.

    Working Harder

    That averaging gets to be a problem. I think the single biggest problem afflicting large companies is the difficulty of assigning a value to each person’s work. For the most part they punt. In a big company you get paid a fairly predictable salary for working fairly hard. You’re expected not to be obviously incompetent or lazy, but you’re not expected to devote your whole life to your work.

    It turns out, though, that there are economies of scale in how much of your life you devote to your work. In the right kind of business, someone who really devoted himself to work could generate ten or even a hundred times as much wealth as an average employee. A programmer, for example, instead of chugging along maintaining and updating an existing piece of software, could write a whole new piece of software, and with it create a new source of revenue.

    Companies are not set up to reward people who want to do this. You can’t go to your boss and say, I’d like to start working ten times as hard, so will you please pay me ten times as much? For one thing, the official fiction is that you are already working as hard as you can. But a more serious problem is that the company has no way of measuring the value of your work.

    Salesmen are an exception. It’s easy to measure how much revenue they generate, and they’re usually paid a percentage of it. If a salesman wants to work harder, he can just start doing it, and he will automatically get paid proportionally more.

    There is one other job besides sales where big companies can hire first-rate people: in the top management jobs. And for the same reason: their performance can be measured. The top managers are held responsible for the performance of the entire company. Because an ordinary employee’s performance can’t usually be measured, he is not expected to do more than put in a solid effort. Whereas top management, like salespeople, have to actually come up with the numbers. The CEO of a company that tanks cannot plead that he put in a solid effort. If the company does badly, he’s done badly.

    A company that could pay all its employees so straightforwardly would be enormously successful. Many employees would work harder if they could get paid for it. More importantly, such a company would attract people who wanted to work especially hard. It would crush its competitors.

    Unfortunately, companies can’t pay everyone like salesmen. Salesmen work alone. Most employees’ work is tangled together. Suppose a company makes some kind of consumer gadget. The engineers build a reliable gadget with all kinds of new features; the industrial designers design a beautiful case for it; and then the marketing people convince everyone that it’s something they’ve got to have. How do you know how much of the gadget’s sales are due to each group’s efforts? Or, for that matter, how much is due to the creators of past gadgets that gave the company a reputation for quality? There’s no way to untangle all their contributions. Even if you could read the minds of the consumers, you’d find these factors were all blurred together.

    If you want to go faster, it’s a problem to have your work tangled together with a large number of other people’s. In a large group, your performance is not separately measurable– and the rest of the group slows you down.

    Measurement and Leverage

    To get rich you need to get yourself in a situation with two things, measurement and leverage. You need to be in a position where your performance can be measured, or there is no way to get paid more by doing more. And you have to have leverage, in the sense that the decisions you make have a big effect.

    Measurement alone is not enough. An example of a job with measurement but not leverage is doing piecework in a sweatshop. Your performance is measured and you get paid accordingly, but you have no scope for decisions. The only decision you get to make is how fast you work, and that can probably only increase your earnings by a factor of two or three.

    An example of a job with both measurement and leverage would be lead actor in a movie. Your performance can be measured in the gross of the movie. And you have leverage in the sense that your performance can make or break it.

    CEOs also have both measurement and leverage. They’re measured, in that the performance of the company is their performance. And they have leverage in that their decisions set the whole company moving in one direction or another.

    I think everyone who gets rich by their own efforts will be found to be in a situation with measurement and leverage. Everyone I can think of does: CEOs, movie stars, hedge fund managers, professional athletes. A good hint to the presence of leverage is the possibility of failure. Upside must be balanced by downside, so if there is big potential for gain there must also be a terrifying possibility of loss. CEOs, stars, fund managers, and athletes all live with the sword hanging over their heads; the moment they start to suck, they’re out. If you’re in a job that feels safe, you are not going to get rich, because if there is no danger there is almost certainly no leverage.

    But you don’t have to become a CEO or a movie star to be in a situation with measurement and leverage. All you need to do is be part of a small group working on a hard problem.

    Smallness = Measurement

    If you can’t measure the value of the work done by individual employees, you can get close. You can measure the value of the work done by small groups.

    One level at which you can accurately measure the revenue generated by employees is at the level of the whole company. When the company is small, you are thereby fairly close to measuring the contributions of individual employees. A viable startup might only have ten employees, which puts you within a factor of ten of measuring individual effort.

    Starting or joining a startup is thus as close as most people can get to saying to one’s boss, I want to work ten times as hard, so please pay me ten times as much. There are two differences: you’re not saying it to your boss, but directly to the customers (for whom your boss is only a proxy after all), and you’re not doing it individually, but along with a small group of other ambitious people.

    It will, ordinarily, be a group. Except in a few unusual kinds of work, like acting or writing books, you can’t be a company of one person. And the people you work with had better be good, because it’s their work that yours is going to be averaged with.

    A big company is like a giant galley driven by a thousand rowers. Two things keep the speed of the galley down. One is that individual rowers don’t see any result from working harder. The other is that, in a group of a thousand people, the average rower is likely to be pretty average.

    If you took ten people at random out of the big galley and put them in a boat by themselves, they could probably go faster. They would have both carrot and stick to motivate them. An energetic rower would be encouraged by the thought that he could have a visible effect on the speed of the boat. And if someone was lazy, the others would be more likely to notice and complain.

    But the real advantage of the ten-man boat shows when you take the ten best rowers out of the big galley and put them in a boat together. They will have all the extra motivation that comes from being in a small group. But more importantly, by selecting that small a group you can get the best rowers. Each one will be in the top 1%. It’s a much better deal for them to average their work together with a small group of their peers than to average it with everyone.

    That’s the real point of startups. Ideally, you are getting together with a group of other people who also want to work a lot harder, and get paid a lot more, than they would in a big company. And because startups tend to get founded by self-selecting groups of ambitious people who already know one another (at least by reputation), the level of measurement is more precise than you get from smallness alone. A startup is not merely ten people, but ten people like you.

    Steve Jobs once said that the success or failure of a startup depends on the first ten employees. I agree. If anything, it’s more like the first five. Being small is not, in itself, what makes startups kick butt, but rather that small groups can be select. You don’t want small in the sense of a village, but small in the sense of an all-star team.

    The larger a group, the closer its average member will be to the average for the population as a whole. So all other things being equal, a very able person in a big company is probably getting a bad deal, because his performance is dragged down by the overall lower performance of the others. Of course, all other things often are not equal: the able person may not care about money, or may prefer the stability of a large company. But a very able person who does care about money will ordinarily do better to go off and work with a small group of peers.

    Technology = Leverage

    Startups offer anyone a way to be in a situation with measurement and leverage. They allow measurement because they’re small, and they offer leverage because they make money by inventing new technology.

    What is technology? It’s technique. It’s the way we all do things. And when you discover a new way to do things, its value is multiplied by all the people who use it. It is the proverbial fishing rod, rather than the fish. That’s the difference between a startup and a restaurant or a barber shop. You fry eggs or cut hair one customer at a time. Whereas if you solve a technical problem that a lot of people care about, you help everyone who uses your solution. That’s leverage.

    If you look at history, it seems that most people who got rich by creating wealth did it by developing new technology. You just can’t fry eggs or cut hair fast enough. What made the Florentines rich in 1200 was the discovery of new techniques for making the high-tech product of the time, fine woven cloth. What made the Dutch rich in 1600 was the discovery of shipbuilding and navigation techniques that enabled them to dominate the seas of the Far East.

    Fortunately there is a natural fit between smallness and solving hard problems. The leading edge of technology moves fast. Technology that’s valuable today could be worthless in a couple years. Small companies are more at home in this world, because they don’t have layers of bureaucracy to slow them down. Also, technical advances tend to come from unorthodox approaches, and small companies are less constrained by convention.

    Big companies can develop technology. They just can’t do it quickly. Their size makes them slow and prevents them from rewarding employees for the extraordinary effort required. So in practice big companies only get to develop technology in fields where large capital requirements prevent startups from competing with them, like microprocessors, power plants, or passenger aircraft. And even in those fields they depend heavily on startups for components and ideas.

    It’s obvious that biotech or software startups exist to solve hard technical problems, but I think it will also be found to be true in businesses that don’t seem to be about technology. McDonald’s, for example, grew big by designing a system, the McDonald’s franchise, that could then be reproduced at will all over the face of the earth. A McDonald’s franchise is controlled by rules so precise that it is practically a piece of software. Write once, run everywhere. Ditto for Wal-Mart. Sam Walton got rich not by being a retailer, but by designing a new kind of store.

    Use difficulty as a guide not just in selecting the overall aim of your company, but also at decision points along the way. At Viaweb one of our rules of thumb was run upstairs. Suppose you are a little, nimble guy being chased by a big, fat, bully. You open a door and find yourself in a staircase. Do you go up or down? I say up. The bully can probably run downstairs as fast as you can. Going upstairs his bulk will be more of a disadvantage. Running upstairs is hard for you but even harder for him.

    What this meant in practice was that we deliberately sought hard problems. If there were two features we could add to our software, both equally valuable in proportion to their difficulty, we’d always take the harder one. Not just because it was more valuable, but because it was harder. We delighted in forcing bigger, slower competitors to follow us over difficult ground. Like guerillas, startups prefer the difficult terrain of the mountains, where the troops of the central government can’t follow. I can remember times when we were just exhausted after wrestling all day with some horrible technical problem. And I’d be delighted, because something that was hard for us would be impossible for our competitors.

    This is not just a good way to run a startup. It’s what a startup is. Venture capitalists know about this and have a phrase for it: barriers to entry. If you go to a VC with a new idea and ask him to invest in it, one of the first things he’ll ask is, how hard would this be for someone else to develop? That is, how much difficult ground have you put between yourself and potential pursuers? [7] And you had better have a convincing explanation of why your technology would be hard to duplicate. Otherwise as soon as some big company becomes aware of it, they’ll make their own, and with their brand name, capital, and distribution clout, they’ll take away your market overnight. You’d be like guerillas caught in the open field by regular army forces.

    One way to put up barriers to entry is through patents. But patents may not provide much protection. Competitors commonly find ways to work around a patent. And if they can’t, they may simply violate it and invite you to sue them. A big company is not afraid to be sued; it’s an everyday thing for them. They’ll make sure that suing them is expensive and takes a long time. Ever heard of Philo Farnsworth? He invented television. The reason you’ve never heard of him is that his company was not the one to make money from it. [8] The company that did was RCA, and Farnsworth’s reward for his efforts was a decade of patent litigation.

    Here, as so often, the best defense is a good offense. If you can develop technology that’s simply too hard for competitors to duplicate, you don’t need to rely on other defenses. Start by picking a hard problem, and then at every decision point, take the harder choice. [9]

    The Catch(es)

    If it were simply a matter of working harder than an ordinary employee and getting paid proportionately, it would obviously be a good deal to start a startup. Up to a point it would be more fun. I don’t think many people like the slow pace of big companies, the interminable meetings, the water-cooler conversations, the clueless middle managers, and so on.

    Unfortunately there are a couple catches. One is that you can’t choose the point on the curve that you want to inhabit. You can’t decide, for example, that you’d like to work just two or three times as hard, and get paid that much more. When you’re running a startup, your competitors decide how hard you work. And they pretty much all make the same decision: as hard as you possibly can.

    The other catch is that the payoff is only on average proportionate to your productivity. There is, as I said before, a large random multiplier in the success of any company. So in practice the deal is not that you’re 30 times as productive and get paid 30 times as much. It is that you’re 30 times as productive, and get paid between zero and a thousand times as much. If the mean is 30x, the median is probably zero. Most startups tank, and not just the dogfood portals we all heard about during the Internet Bubble. It’s common for a startup to be developing a genuinely good product, take slightly too long to do it, run out of money, and have to shut down.

    A startup is like a mosquito. A bear can absorb a hit and a crab is armored against one, but a mosquito is designed for one thing: to score. No energy is wasted on defense. The defense of mosquitos, as a species, is that there are a lot of them, but this is little consolation to the individual mosquito.

    Startups, like mosquitos, tend to be an all-or-nothing proposition. And you don’t generally know which of the two you’re going to get till the last minute. Viaweb came close to tanking several times. Our trajectory was like a sine wave. Fortunately we got bought at the top of the cycle, but it was damned close. While we were visiting Yahoo in California to talk about selling the company to them, we had to borrow a conference room to reassure an investor who was about to back out of a new round of funding that we needed to stay alive.

    The all-or-nothing aspect of startups was not something we wanted. Viaweb’s hackers were all extremely risk-averse. If there had been some way just to work super hard and get paid for it, without having a lottery mixed in, we would have been delighted. We would have much preferred a 100% chance of $1 million to a 20% chance of $10 million, even though theoretically the second is worth twice as much. Unfortunately, there is not currently any space in the business world where you can get the first deal.

    The closest you can get is by selling your startup in the early stages, giving up upside (and risk) for a smaller but guaranteed payoff. We had a chance to do this, and stupidly, as we then thought, let it slip by. After that we became comically eager to sell. For the next year or so, if anyone expressed the slightest curiousity about Viaweb we would try to sell them the company. But there were no takers, so we had to keep going.

    It would have been a bargain to buy us at an early stage, but companies doing acquisitions are not looking for bargains. A company big enough to acquire startups will be big enough to be fairly conservative, and within the company the people in charge of acquisitions will be among the more conservative, because they are likely to be business school types who joined the company late. They would rather overpay for a safe choice. So it is easier to sell an established startup, even at a large premium, than an early-stage one.

    Get Users

    I think it’s a good idea to get bought, if you can. Running a business is different from growing one. It is just as well to let a big company take over once you reach cruising altitude. It’s also financially wiser, because selling allows you to diversify. What would you think of a financial advisor who put all his client’s assets into one volatile stock?

    How do you get bought? Mostly by doing the same things you’d do if you didn’t intend to sell the company. Being profitable, for example. But getting bought is also an art in its own right, and one that we spent a lot of time trying to master.

    Potential buyers will always delay if they can. The hard part about getting bought is getting them to act. For most people, the most powerful motivator is not the hope of gain, but the fear of loss. For potential acquirers, the most powerful motivator is the prospect that one of their competitors will buy you. This, as we found, causes CEOs to take red-eyes. The second biggest is the worry that, if they don’t buy you now, you’ll continue to grow rapidly and will cost more to acquire later, or even become a competitor.

    In both cases, what it all comes down to is users. You’d think that a company about to buy you would do a lot of research and decide for themselves how valuable your technology was. Not at all. What they go by is the number of users you have.

    In effect, acquirers assume the customers know who has the best technology. And this is not as stupid as it sounds. Users are the only real proof that you’ve created wealth. Wealth is what people want, and if people aren’t using your software, maybe it’s not just because you’re bad at marketing. Maybe it’s because you haven’t made what they want.

    Venture capitalists have a list of danger signs to watch out for. Near the top is the company run by techno-weenies who are obsessed with solving interesting technical problems, instead of making users happy. In a startup, you’re not just trying to solve problems. You’re trying to solve problems that users care about.

    So I think you should make users the test, just as acquirers do. Treat a startup as an optimization problem in which performance is measured by number of users. As anyone who has tried to optimize software knows, the key is measurement. When you try to guess where your program is slow, and what would make it faster, you almost always guess wrong.

    Number of users may not be the perfect test, but it will be very close. It’s what acquirers care about. It’s what revenues depend on. It’s what makes competitors unhappy. It’s what impresses reporters, and potential new users. Certainly it’s a better test than your a priori notions of what problems are important to solve, no matter how technically adept you are.

    Among other things, treating a startup as an optimization problem will help you avoid another pitfall that VCs worry about, and rightly– taking a long time to develop a product. Now we can recognize this as something hackers already know to avoid: premature optimization. Get a version 1.0 out there as soon as you can. Until you have some users to measure, you’re optimizing based on guesses.

    The ball you need to keep your eye on here is the underlying principle that wealth is what people want. If you plan to get rich by creating wealth, you have to know what people want. So few businesses really pay attention to making customers happy. How often do you walk into a store, or call a company on the phone, with a feeling of dread in the back of your mind? When you hear “your call is important to us, please stay on the line,” do you think, oh good, now everything will be all right?

    A restaurant can afford to serve the occasional burnt dinner. But in technology, you cook one thing and that’s what everyone eats. So any difference between what people want and what you deliver is multiplied. You please or annoy customers wholesale. The closer you can get to what they want, the more wealth you generate.

    Wealth and Power

    Making wealth is not the only way to get rich. For most of human history it has not even been the most common. Until a few centuries ago, the main sources of wealth were mines, slaves and serfs, land, and cattle, and the only ways to acquire these rapidly were by inheritance, marriage, conquest, or confiscation. Naturally wealth had a bad reputation.

    Two things changed. The first was the rule of law. For most of the world’s history, if you did somehow accumulate a fortune, the ruler or his henchmen would find a way to steal it. But in medieval Europe something new happened. A new class of merchants and manufacturers began to collect in towns. [10] Together they were able to withstand the local feudal lord. So for the first time in our history, the bullies stopped stealing the nerds’ lunch money. This was naturally a great incentive, and possibly indeed the main cause of the second big change, industrialization.

    A great deal has been written about the causes of the Industrial Revolution. But surely a necessary, if not sufficient, condition was that people who made fortunes be able to enjoy them in peace. [11] One piece of evidence is what happened to countries that tried to return to the old model, like the Soviet Union, and to a lesser extent Britain under the labor governments of the 1960s and early 1970s. Take away the incentive of wealth, and technical innovation grinds to a halt.

    Remember what a startup is, economically: a way of saying, I want to work faster. Instead of accumulating money slowly by being paid a regular wage for fifty years, I want to get it over with as soon as possible. So governments that forbid you to accumulate wealth are in effect decreeing that you work slowly. They’re willing to let you earn $3 million over fifty years, but they’re not willing to let you work so hard that you can do it in two. They are like the corporate boss that you can’t go to and say, I want to work ten times as hard, so please pay me ten times a much. Except this is not a boss you can escape by starting your own company.

    The problem with working slowly is not just that technical innovation happens slowly. It’s that it tends not to happen at all. It’s only when you’re deliberately looking for hard problems, as a way to use speed to the greatest advantage, that you take on this kind of project. Developing new technology is a pain in the ass. It is, as Edison said, one percent inspiration and ninety-nine percent perspiration. Without the incentive of wealth, no one wants to do it. Engineers will work on sexy projects like fighter planes and moon rockets for ordinary salaries, but more mundane technologies like light bulbs or semiconductors have to be developed by entrepreneurs.

    Startups are not just something that happened in Silicon Valley in the last couple decades. Since it became possible to get rich by creating wealth, everyone who has done it has used essentially the same recipe: measurement and leverage, where measurement comes from working with a small group, and leverage from developing new techniques. The recipe was the same in Florence in 1200 as it is in Santa Clara today.

    Understanding this may help to answer an important question: why Europe grew so powerful. Was it something about the geography of Europe? Was it that Europeans are somehow racially superior? Was it their religion? The answer (or at least the proximate cause) may be that the Europeans rode on the crest of a powerful new idea: allowing those who made a lot of money to keep it.

    Once you’re allowed to do that, people who want to get rich can do it by generating wealth instead of stealing it. The resulting technological growth translates not only into wealth but into military power. The theory that led to the stealth plane was developed by a Soviet mathematician. But because the Soviet Union didn’t have a computer industry, it remained for them a theory; they didn’t have hardware capable of executing the calculations fast enough to design an actual airplane.

    In that respect the Cold War teaches the same lesson as World War II and, for that matter, most wars in recent history. Don’t let a ruling class of warriors and politicians squash the entrepreneurs. The same recipe that makes individuals rich makes countries powerful. Let the nerds keep their lunch money, and you rule the world.

    Notes

    [1] One valuable thing you tend to get only in startups is uninterruptability. Different kinds of work have different time quanta. Someone proofreading a manuscript could probably be interrupted every fifteen minutes with little loss of productivity. But the time quantum for hacking is very long: it might take an hour just to load a problem into your head. So the cost of having someone from personnel call you about a form you forgot to fill out can be huge.

    This is why hackers give you such a baleful stare as they turn from their screen to answer your question. Inside their heads a giant house of cards is tottering.

    The mere possibility of being interrupted deters hackers from starting hard projects. This is why they tend to work late at night, and why it’s next to impossible to write great software in a cubicle (except late at night).

    One great advantage of startups is that they don’t yet have any of the people who interrupt you. There is no personnel department, and thus no form nor anyone to call you about it.

    [2] Faced with the idea that people working for startups might be 20 or 30 times as productive as those working for large companies, executives at large companies will naturally wonder, how could I get the people working for me to do that? The answer is simple: pay them to.

    Internally most companies are run like Communist states. If you believe in free markets, why not turn your company into one?

    Hypothesis: A company will be maximally profitable when each employee is paid in proportion to the wealth they generate.

    [3] Until recently even governments sometimes didn’t grasp the distinction between money and wealth. Adam Smith (Wealth of Nations, v:i) mentions several that tried to preserve their “wealth” by forbidding the export of gold or silver. But having more of the medium of exchange would not make a country richer; if you have more money chasing the same amount of material wealth, the only result is higher prices.

    [4] There are many senses of the word “wealth,” not all of them material. I’m not trying to make a deep philosophical point here about which is the true kind. I’m writing about one specific, rather technical sense of the word “wealth.” What people will give you money for. This is an interesting sort of wealth to study, because it is the kind that prevents you from starving. And what people will give you money for depends on them, not you.

    When you’re starting a business, it’s easy to slide into thinking that customers want what you do. During the Internet Bubble I talked to a woman who, because she liked the outdoors, was starting an “outdoor portal.” You know what kind of business you should start if you like the outdoors? One to recover data from crashed hard disks.

    What’s the connection? None at all. Which is precisely my point. If you want to create wealth (in the narrow technical sense of not starving) then you should be especially skeptical about any plan that centers on things you like doing. That is where your idea of what’s valuable is least likely to coincide with other people’s.

    [5] In the average car restoration you probably do make everyone else microscopically poorer, by doing a small amount of damage to the environment. While environmental costs should be taken into account, they don’t make wealth a zero-sum game. For example, if you repair a machine that’s broken because a part has come unscrewed, you create wealth with no environmental cost.

    [5b] This essay was written before Firefox.

    [6] Many people feel confused and depressed in their early twenties. Life seemed so much more fun in college. Well, of course it was. Don’t be fooled by the surface similarities. You’ve gone from guest to servant. It’s possible to have fun in this new world. Among other things, you now get to go behind the doors that say “authorized personnel only.” But the change is a shock at first, and all the worse if you’re not consciously aware of it.

    [7] When VCs asked us how long it would take another startup to duplicate our software, we used to reply that they probably wouldn’t be able to at all. I think this made us seem naive, or liars.

    [8] Few technologies have one clear inventor. So as a rule, if you know the “inventor” of something (the telephone, the assembly line, the airplane, the light bulb, the transistor) it is because their company made money from it, and the company’s PR people worked hard to spread the story. If you don’t know who invented something (the automobile, the television, the computer, the jet engine, the laser), it’s because other companies made all the money.

    [9] This is a good plan for life in general. If you have two choices, choose the harder. If you’re trying to decide whether to go out running or sit home and watch TV, go running. Probably the reason this trick works so well is that when you have two choices and one is harder, the only reason you’re even considering the other is laziness. You know in the back of your mind what’s the right thing to do, and this trick merely forces you to acknowledge it.

    [10] It is probably no accident that the middle class first appeared in northern Italy and the low countries, where there were no strong central governments. These two regions were the richest of their time and became the twin centers from which Renaissance civilization radiated. If they no longer play that role, it is because other places, like the United States, have been truer to the principles they discovered.

    [11] It may indeed be a sufficient condition. But if so, why didn’t the Industrial Revolution happen earlier? Two possible (and not incompatible) answers: (a) It did. The Industrial Revolution was one in a series. (b) Because in medieval towns, monopolies and guild regulations initially slowed the development of new means of production.

  • By Warren E. Buffett-warning regarding the U.S. trade deficit

    By Warren E. Buffett, FORTUNE

    I’m about to deliver a warning regarding the U.S. trade deficit and also suggest a remedy for the problem. But first I need to mention two reasons you might want to be skeptical about what I say. To begin, my forecasting record with respect to macroeconomics is far from inspiring. For example, over the past two decades I was excessively fearful of inflation. More to the point at hand, I started way back in 1987 to publicly worry about our mounting trade deficits — and, as you know, we’ve not only survived but also thrived. So on the trade front, score at least one “wolf” for me. Nevertheless, I am crying wolf again and this time backing it with Berkshire Hathaway’s money. Through the spring of 2002, I had lived nearly 72 years without purchasing a foreign currency. Since then Berkshire has made significant investments in — and today holds — several currencies. I won’t give you particulars; in fact, it is largely irrelevant which currencies they are. What does matter is the underlying point: To hold other currencies is to believe that the dollar will decline.

    Both as an American and as an investor, I actually hope these commitments prove to be a mistake. Any profits Berkshire might make from currency trading would pale against the losses the company and our shareholders, in other aspects of their lives, would incur from a plunging dollar.

    But as head of Berkshire Hathaway, I am in charge of investing its money in ways that make sense. And my reason for finally putting my money where my mouth has been so long is that our trade deficit has greatly worsened, to the point that our country’s “net worth,” so to speak, is now being transferred abroad at an alarming rate.

    A perpetuation of this transfer will lead to major trouble. To understand why, take a wildly fanciful trip with me to two isolated, side-by-side islands of equal size, Squanderville and Thriftville. Land is the only capital asset on these islands, and their communities are primitive, needing only food and producing only food. Working eight hours a day, in fact, each inhabitant can produce enough food to sustain himself or herself. And for a long time that’s how things go along. On each island everybody works the prescribed eight hours a day, which means that each society is self-sufficient.

    Eventually, though, the industrious citizens of Thriftville decide to do some serious saving and investing, and they start to work 16 hours a day. In this mode they continue to live off the food they produce in eight hours of work but begin exporting an equal amount to their one and only trading outlet, Squanderville.

    The citizens of Squanderville are ecstatic about this turn of events, since they can now live their lives free from toil but eat as well as ever. Oh, yes, there’s a quid pro quo — but to the Squanders, it seems harmless: All that the Thrifts want in exchange for their food is Squanderbonds (which are denominated, naturally, in Squanderbucks).

    Over time Thriftville accumulates an enormous amount of these bonds, which at their core represent claim checks on the future output of Squanderville. A few pundits in Squanderville smell trouble coming. They foresee that for the Squanders both to eat and to pay off — or simply service — the debt they’re piling up will eventually require them to work more than eight hours a day. But the residents of Squanderville are in no mood to listen to such doomsaying.

    Meanwhile, the citizens of Thriftville begin to get nervous. Just how good, they ask, are the IOUs of a shiftless island? So the Thrifts change strategy: Though they continue to hold some bonds, they sell most of them to Squanderville residents for Squanderbucks and use the proceeds to buy Squanderville land. And eventually the Thrifts own all of Squanderville.

    At that point, the Squanders are forced to deal with an ugly equation: They must now not only return to working eight hours a day in order to eat — they have nothing left to trade — but must also work additional hours to service their debt and pay Thriftville rent on the land so imprudently sold. In effect, Squanderville has been colonized by purchase rather than conquest.

    It can be argued, of course, that the present value of the future production that Squanderville must forever ship to Thriftville only equates to the production Thriftville initially gave up and that therefore both have received a fair deal. But since one generation of Squanders gets the free ride and future generations pay in perpetuity for it, there are — in economist talk — some pretty dramatic “intergenerational inequities.”

    Let’s think of it in terms of a family: Imagine that I, Warren Buffett, can get the suppliers of all that I consume in my lifetime to take Buffett family IOUs that are payable, in goods and services and with interest added, by my descendants. This scenario may be viewed as effecting an even trade between the Buffett family unit and its creditors. But the generations of Buffetts following me are not likely to applaud the deal (and, heaven forbid, may even attempt to welsh on it).

    Think again about those islands: Sooner or later the Squanderville government, facing ever greater payments to service debt, would decide to embrace highly inflationary policies — that is, issue more Squanderbucks to dilute the value of each. After all, the government would reason, those irritating Squanderbonds are simply claims on specific numbers of Squanderbucks, not on bucks of specific value. In short, making Squanderbucks less valuable would ease the island’s fiscal pain.

    That prospect is why I, were I a resident of Thriftville, would opt for direct ownership of Squanderville land rather than bonds of the island’s government. Most governments find it much harder morally to seize foreign-owned property than they do to dilute the purchasing power of claim checks foreigners hold. Theft by stealth is preferred to theft by force.

    So what does all this island hopping have to do with the U.S.? Simply put, after World War II and up until the early 1970s we operated in the industrious Thriftville style, regularly selling more abroad than we purchased. We concurrently invested our surplus abroad, with the result that our net investment — that is, our holdings of foreign assets less foreign holdings of U.S. assets — increased (under methodology, since revised, that the government was then using) from $37 billion in 1950 to $68 billion in 1970. In those days, to sum up, our country’s “net worth,” viewed in totality, consisted of all the wealth within our borders plus a modest portion of the wealth in the rest of the world.

    Additionally, because the U.S. was in a net ownership position with respect to the rest of the world, we realized net investment income that, piled on top of our trade surplus, became a second source of investable funds. Our fiscal situation was thus similar to that of an individual who was both saving some of his salary and reinvesting the dividends from his existing nest egg.

    In the late 1970s the trade situation reversed, producing deficits that initially ran about 1 percent of GDP. That was hardly serious, particularly because net investment income remained positive. Indeed, with the power of compound interest working for us, our net ownership balance hit its high in 1980 at $360 billion.

    Since then, however, it’s been all downhill, with the pace of decline rapidly accelerating in the past five years. Our annual trade deficit now exceeds 4 percent of GDP. Equally ominous, the rest of the world owns a staggering $2.5 trillion more of the U.S. than we own of other countries. Some of this $2.5 trillion is invested in claim checks — U.S. bonds, both governmental and private — and some in such assets as property and equity securities.

    In effect, our country has been behaving like an extraordinarily rich family that possesses an immense farm. In order to consume 4 percent more than we produce — that’s the trade deficit — we have, day by day, been both selling pieces of the farm and increasing the mortgage on what we still own.

    To put the $2.5 trillion of net foreign ownership in perspective, contrast it with the $12 trillion value of publicly owned U.S. stocks or the equal amount of U.S. residential real estate or what I would estimate as a grand total of $50 trillion in national wealth. Those comparisons show that what’s already been transferred abroad is meaningful — in the area, for example, of 5 percent of our national wealth.

    More important, however, is that foreign ownership of our assets will grow at about $500 billion per year at the present trade-deficit level, which means that the deficit will be adding about one percentage point annually to foreigners’ net ownership of our national wealth. As that ownership grows, so will the annual net investment income flowing out of this country. That will leave us paying ever-increasing dividends and interest to the world rather than being a net receiver of them, as in the past. We have entered the world of negative compounding — goodbye pleasure, hello pain.

    We were taught in Economics 101 that countries could not for long sustain large, ever-growing trade deficits. At a point, so it was claimed, the spree of the consumption-happy nation would be braked by currency-rate adjustments and by the unwillingness of creditor countries to accept an endless flow of IOUs from the big spenders. And that’s the way it has indeed worked for the rest of the world, as we can see by the abrupt shutoffs of credit that many profligate nations have suffered in recent decades.

    The U.S., however, enjoys special status. In effect, we can behave today as we wish because our past financial behavior was so exemplary — and because we are so rich. Neither our capacity nor our intention to pay is questioned, and we continue to have a mountain of desirable assets to trade for consumables. In other words, our national credit card allows us to charge truly breathtaking amounts. But that card’s credit line is not limitless.

    The time to halt this trading of assets for consumables is now, and I have a plan to suggest for getting it done. My remedy may sound gimmicky, and in truth it is a tariff called by another name. But this is a tariff that retains most free-market virtues, neither protecting specific industries nor punishing specific countries nor encouraging trade wars. This plan would increase our exports and might well lead to increased overall world trade. And it would balance our books without there being a significant decline in the value of the dollar, which I believe is otherwise almost certain to occur.

    We would achieve this balance by issuing what I will call Import Certificates (ICs) to all U.S. exporters in an amount equal to the dollar value of their exports. Each exporter would, in turn, sell the ICs to parties — either exporters abroad or importers here — wanting to get goods into the U.S. To import $1 million of goods, for example, an importer would need ICs that were the byproduct of $1 million of exports. The inevitable result: trade balance.

    Because our exports total about $80 billion a month, ICs would be issued in huge, equivalent quantities — that is, 80 billion certificates a month — and would surely trade in an exceptionally liquid market. Competition would then determine who among those parties wanting to sell to us would buy the certificates and how much they would pay. (I visualize that the certificates would be issued with a short life, possibly of six months, so that speculators would be discouraged from accumulating them.)

    For illustrative purposes, let’s postulate that each IC would sell for 10 cents — that is, 10 cents per dollar of exports behind them. Other things being equal, this amount would mean a U.S. producer could realize 10 percent more by selling his goods in the export market than by selling them domestically, with the extra 10 percent coming from his sales of ICs.

    In my opinion, many exporters would view this as a reduction in cost, one that would let them cut the prices of their products in international markets. Commodity-type products would particularly encourage this kind of behavior. If aluminum, for example, was selling for 66 cents per pound domestically and ICs were worth 10 percent, domestic aluminum producers could sell for about 60 cents per pound (plus transportation costs) in foreign markets and still earn normal margins. In this scenario, the output of the U.S. would become significantly more competitive and exports would expand. Along the way, the number of jobs would grow.

    Foreigners selling to us, of course, would face tougher economics. But that’s a problem they’re up against no matter what trade “solution” is adopted — and make no mistake, a solution must come. (As Herb Stein said, “If something cannot go on forever, it will stop.”) In one way the IC approach would give countries selling to us great flexibility, since the plan does not penalize any specific industry or product. In the end, the free market would determine what would be sold in the U.S. and who would sell it. The ICs would determine only the aggregate dollar volume of what was sold.

    To see what would happen to imports, let’s look at a car now entering the U.S. at a cost to the importer of $20,000. Under the new plan and the assumption that ICs sell for 10 percent, the importer’s cost would rise to $22,000. If demand for the car was exceptionally strong, the importer might manage to pass all of this on to the American consumer. In the usual case, however, competitive forces would take hold, requiring the foreign manufacturer to absorb some, if not all, of the $2,000 IC cost.

    There is no free lunch in the IC plan: It would have certain serious negative consequences for U.S. citizens. Prices of most imported products would increase, and so would the prices of certain competitive products manufactured domestically. The cost of the ICs, either in whole or in part, would therefore typically act as a tax on consumers.

    That is a serious drawback. But there would be drawbacks also to the dollar continuing to lose value or to our increasing tariffs on specific products or instituting quotas on them — courses of action that in my opinion offer a smaller chance of success. Above all, the pain of higher prices on goods imported today dims beside the pain we will eventually suffer if we drift along and trade away ever larger portions of our country’s net worth.

    I believe that ICs would produce, rather promptly, a U.S. trade equilibrium well above present export levels but below present import levels. The certificates would moderately aid all our industries in world competition, even as the free market determined which of them ultimately met the test of “comparative advantage.”

    This plan would not be copied by nations that are net exporters, because their ICs would be valueless. Would major exporting countries retaliate in other ways? Would this start another Smoot-Hawley tariff war? Hardly. At the time of Smoot-Hawley we ran an unreasonable trade surplus that we wished to maintain. We now run a damaging deficit that the whole world knows we must correct.

    For decades the world has struggled with a shifting maze of punitive tariffs, export subsidies, quotas, dollar-locked currencies, and the like. Many of these import-inhibiting and export-encouraging devices have long been employed by major exporting countries trying to amass ever larger surpluses — yet significant trade wars have not erupted. Surely one will not be precipitated by a proposal that simply aims at balancing the books of the world’s largest trade debtor. Major exporting countries have behaved quite rationally in the past and they will continue to do so — though, as always, it may be in their interest to attempt to convince us that they will behave otherwise.

    The likely outcome of an IC plan is that the exporting nations — after some initial posturing — will turn their ingenuity to encouraging imports from us. Take the position of China, which today sells us about $140 billion of goods and services annually while purchasing only $25 billion. Were ICs to exist, one course for China would be simply to fill the gap by buying 115 billion certificates annually. But it could alternatively reduce its need for ICs by cutting its exports to the U.S. or by increasing its purchases from us. This last choice would probably be the most palatable for China, and we should wish it to be so.

    If our exports were to increase and the supply of ICs were therefore to be enlarged, their market price would be driven down. Indeed, if our exports expanded sufficiently, ICs would be rendered valueless and the entire plan made moot. Presented with the power to make this happen, important exporting countries might quickly eliminate the mechanisms they now use to inhibit exports from us.

    Were we to install an IC plan, we might opt for some transition years in which we deliberately ran a relatively small deficit, a step that would enable the world to adjust as we gradually got where we need to be. Carrying this plan out, our government could either auction “bonus” ICs every month or simply give them, say, to less-developed countries needing to increase their exports. The latter course would deliver a form of foreign aid likely to be particularly effective and appreciated.

    I will close by reminding you again that I cried wolf once before. In general, the batting average of doomsayers in the U.S. is terrible. Our country has consistently made fools of those who were skeptical about either our economic potential or our resiliency. Many pessimistic seers simply underestimated the dynamism that has allowed us to overcome problems that once seemed ominous. We still have a truly remarkable country and economy.

    But I believe that in the trade deficit we also have a problem that is going to test all of our abilities to find a solution. A gently declining dollar will not provide the answer. True, it would reduce our trade deficit to a degree, but not by enough to halt the outflow of our country’s net worth and the resulting growth in our investment-income deficit.

    Perhaps there are other solutions that make more sense than mine. However, wishful thinking — and its usual companion, thumb sucking — is not among them. From what I now see, action to halt the rapid outflow of our national wealth is called for, and ICs seem the least painful and most certain way to get the job done. Just keep remembering that this is not a small problem: For example, at the rate at which the rest of the world is now making net investments in the U.S., it could annually buy and sock away nearly 4 percent of our publicly traded stocks.

    In evaluating business options at Berkshire, my partner, Charles Munger, suggests that we pay close attention to his jocular wish: “All I want to know is where I’m going to die, so I’ll never go there.” Framers of our trade policy should heed this caution — and steer clear of Squanderville.

    FORTUNE editor at large Carol Loomis, who is a Berkshire Hathaway shareholder, worked with Warren Buffett on this article.

  • KONZA CITY & SILICON VALLEY: HOW CITIES ARE FORMED.

    KONZA CITY & SILICON VALLEY: HOW CITIES ARE FORMED.

    Cities  the world over are mainly formed when a society finds value in pooling resources together so that benefits such as security, proximity to goods and services, ease of exchange of ideas , infrastructure are economically shared.

     

    These benefits lower the factors of production. This in turn enables the society to produce goods and services at competitive prices and trade the surplus with other cities.

     

    Cities grow over time as they attract more population and ensure infrastructure and human resource is perfected to lower productivity.

    Nairobi City.

    Nairobi City for example, started out as a railway camp for the British colonialists. The railway attracted a population which necessitated a need for housing, hotels and commercial centers.  British colonialists moved their administration form Mombasa to Nairobi, thereby spurning more growth. This growth has continued gradually till today.

    Laws have been set up by the Ministry of Local Government to ensure developers lay infrastructure[roads,sewer,drainage,water] before land is subdivided and titles issued. This has made Nairobi City expand and appreciate in value as compared to other African cities such as Kampala.

    With the infrastructure growing in tandem to population growth and driven by the private sector, Nairobi has continued to attract Investors.

    Other major cities in Kenya, Mombasa and Kisumu have largely followed the same model.

    New towns such as Kitengela and Ongata Rongai have largely increases since 2002. This could be largely due to Central bank reduction of base lending rate hence easy availability of finance after a long period of low investment in real estate due to high interest rates. This long period created a high demand for housing hence proliferation of these new towns.

    Silicon Valley History.

    Silicon Valley city is largely hinged on the ICT savvy populations attracted by Stanford University. The students and professors here have spearheaded innovation in ICT and set up offices and factories within the proximity of Stanford where they can easily exchange ideas and pool other resources that aid in production. The ICT savvy pool of talent has spurned the city’s growth into what we see as Silicon Valley.

    Stanford university in the 1890s began shaping its students into solidarity. In 1909, Stanford put up a USD 500 venture capital fund for innovations. This led to the invention of the vacuum tube.

    In the 1940s and 50s, Stanford University increased its nurturing of students into self-reliance and set up the Stanford University Industrial Park. After World War 2, there was high demand from returning students. Stanford University began to lease its land to Technology based companies to create employment. Such companies are Kodak ,Intel and HP.

    HP first started in the 1930s in the garage of Hewlett and Packard’s residential home and later on moved to the Stanford University Industrial park in the 1950s.

     

     

    Silicon-based microchips were pioneered and developed from here hence the name Silicon Valley.

    In the 1970s, law firms, venture capitalists and banks moved in to cash in on the talent. This mixture developed into what we see as Silicon valley today, housing the world’s leading ICT Firms such as HP,Apple,Yahoo,Sandisck and Google.

    The availability of talent and funds to sponsor the talent attracted more and more ICT players into Silicon Valley, creating a mega-city based on ICT especially after the 1.3 Billion USD IPO on Apple Inc. in 1980.

    Therefore, Silicon Valley success is as a result of over 100 years of existence, just like Nairobi City.

    Sophia Antipolis, France.History.

    This city was started between 1970 to 1984. It is hinged on University of Nice-Sophia Antipolis which has a history dating from 1635.

     

    Large corporate  in the field of Technology such as HP,Air France and France Telkom are headquartered there.

    Therefore, Sophia Antipolis as an ICT hub benefits from the 300 year University of Nice-Sophia Antipolis investment in human resources.

    Urban areas and Slums.

    As mentioned earlier, cities are formed when a society finds value in pooling resources together, hence reducing cost of production. When cost of production is high, cities loose competitiveness.

    In all high cost estates in Nairobi, there will be a slum which sustains the high cost area with cheap labour.

     

    For instance, Mathare serves Muthaiga.

    Kibera serves Langata,Golf course estate,KNH and Ngong road.

    Kuwinda serves Karen.

    Githogoro serves Runda.

    Lavington is served by Kawangware.

     

    On an international Scale,

    Bombay has the Bharavi.

    Rio has the Favelas.

    The Bronx in New York .

    London had its East End.

    London.

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/East_End_of_London

     

    Newyork.

    SLUMS OF NEW YORK

    Removal of slums is a whole subject into itself and cannot be dealt with by simply just ensuring a buffer zone around an urban area.

    Konza city’s idea of creating a 10km buffer zone to keep off slums will in turn increase productivity hence unsustainability. Another method of ensuring this should be re-looked by Ministry of Information and their advisors, Worldbank/IFC.

    http://mobile.businessdailyafrica.com/Corporate+News/Fresh+zoning+at+Konza+park+dims+land+deals+/-/1144450/1330944/-/format/xhtml/-/oee3vxz/-/index.html

     

    Artificial Cities.

    Some countries have tried to create perfect cities in the past as laid down below.

     

    Gujarat International Finance Tec-City.

    This city is under construction in Gujarat, India. It was conceived in 2007.

    Nano City.

    This was proposed in 2006 and failed to start 4 years later which followed cancelation of the project.

    Putrajya City.

    This city is in Malaysia, 25 km from Kuala Lumpur. Its mainly driven by Government which relocated operations form Kuala Lumpur in 1999 due to congestion.

    Its population is 30,000, mainly civil servants.

    Dubai Waterfront.

    The ambitious project stalled in 2009 after the world financial crisis.

     

    Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/City

     

    Universities as sources of talent.

    Konza City and  Ministry of Information advisors, Worldbank/IFC should learn from previous city creations as outlined above.

    The most successful ICT cities such as Silicon Valley and Sophia Antipolis are hinged on  a pre-existing University which has for over the years, attracted and nurtured human resource . This pool of talent in turn attracts venture capitalists who together form some of the world’s greatest ICT products and services.

     

    In the successful cities such as Silicon Valley and Sophia Antipolis, universities have first nurtured enough talent. This talent attracts investors, mostly venture capitalists. Once the talent is funded, World-class ICT companies are born out of this.

    Konza City as an ICT Hub.

    In Konza City, there is no pre-existing University to supply the talent needed. Universities have been proposed to be built at Konza. Construction of these universities can take 5 years at the least. Attracting talent in terms of lecturers and students should take another 5 to 10 years. Nurturing the talent in such a way that inventions worthy of funding are conceptualized/developed would take another 10 years.

    In total, this will take a minimum of 20 years for Konza city to have developed universities that attract the right talent that can be funded into ICT products. Konza city as an ICT City is viable in the very long term-20 years .

     

    Konza City as a Real Estate venture.

    Konza city as a low-cost real estate venture is viable. Konza area is the only remaining low-priced vacant land near Nairobi. As long as the prices of land in Konza play with the market rates, Konza City will attract real estate investors.

    If prices are pushed upwards, Konza will start competing with other areas 60 km from Nairobi such as Thika, Kangundo,Kijabe whose price per acre is currently higher than Konza’s.

    With the current Konza hype, land price might overtake these areas hence opening up to competition.

    If infrastructure such as roads ,water, drainage, electricity and sewer is laid in Konza, high prices will still attract investors because of the value addition.

    Worldbank/IFC.

    The Ministry of Information advisory team.Wordbank/IFC should look into reasons why some cities such as the ones described above failed to make it and why others were successful.

     

    The result is what should be used to shape up Konza City in such a manner that Kenyans do not loose their hard earned tax payer money.

    Konza City as a Ministry of Information project and with advisory from Worldbank/IFC will need to open up and allow for public to scrutinize all information.

    For starters, more detailed content should be posted on the Konza city website.

    Consultancy fees:Worldbank/IFC and London based Engineers.

    Information such as why,how and the details of Ministry of Information hiring the services of Worldbank/IFC and London based Engineers should be made available for the public to see how their tax payer money will be utilized in paying for these services.

    Land Allocation.

    Ministry of Information and the Worldbank/IFC should also make public the detailed information on how they intend to allocate land to potential investors now that they are not keen to following the Public Procurement and Disposal Act that allows for transparency and competition.

    It’s very obvious that with the demand for land very high in Nairobi, there will be over-subscription and competition. Information on how Ministry of Information will decide to allocate land to investor A   instead of B and C will be crucial for the Kenyan tax payer to understand how his money will be used.

    Kenya’s Attorney General has opined that the land should be allocated competitively using the Public procurement and Disposal act as opposed to the negotiation method suggested by Ministry of Information/Worldbank/IFC advisory.

     

    Architect Francis Gichuhi Kamau.

    www.a4architect.com

     

     

     

     

     

  • KONZA CITY: ECONOMICS OF LAND VALUE

    KONZA CITY: ECONOMICS OF LAND VALUE

     

    Land is a very important resource that allows citizens of a particular country to be productive.

    The value of land determines the productivity.

    High land price reduces productivity in that citizens will have to fork out higher to obtain land hence limiting access to this major factor of production. Citizens will in turn reduce productivity since they are unable to access land.

    High land value also results to high rents and property sales after development. These high rents and sales in turn result to increase in costs of production hence a slow down to the economy.

     

    Land value.

    Land value is controlled by various factors. In Romania, the high property value that eventually resulted in a property bubble was caused by the below factors:

    1. Growth of the Banking industry, resulting in easy availability of mortgage.

    2. Romanians in the Diaspora having money to buy properly in their country.

    3. Growth in the economy resulting to more people employed.

    4. Before 2005, there was minimal investment in real estate hence a very high demand for property . Government was not investing in infrastructure hence very high demand for property close to existing infrastructure.

    5. Money laundering which brought a lot of money into Romania.

    6. Unregulated Real Estate agents who  increased prices of property from the actual amount demanded by the owners.

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_property_bubble

    The above situations are very similar to the Kenyan real estate scenario.

    The Florida Land boom of the 1920s.

    In the 1920s, Miami was publicized as a perfect city. Prospective investors from the rest of the world flocked to have a share of the real estate. Speculation on property resulted in the increase in the value of land. The speculation also resulted in the increase in general supplies into Miami.

     

    By January 1925, Forbes Magazine warned that the Florida high land prices were not reflective of actual land value.

    New York Bankers and the IRS started to scrutinize Florida real estate boom as a type of mega-sham.

     

    Speculators began to have difficulties selling the land at the higher prices. Land value started tumbling down to its actual real value.

    Many investors were pushed into bankruptcy, marking the end of the boom.

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Florida_land_boom_of_the_1920s

    Conclusion.

    The Ministry of Information is implementing the Konza City project on advice by the Worldbank/IFC.

    Worldbank/IFC have hired a London based Engineering firm for Master Planning services.

     

    In view of the situations described above in Romania and Florida, it’s the duty of the Government to ensure that land value does not overprice artificially, locking out its citizens on the most important factor of production.

    In the process, systems should be laid down by the Government [Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Lands, Ministry of Local Government, Ministry of Housing, and Ministry of Roads] to enable land value to play within the market rates such that investors do not loose property value in future as happened in Miami and Romania.

     

    Government Ministries should ensure that infrastructure grows in tandem with population, hence reducing demand and scarcity of land serviced by infrastructure which was a cause of property overvalue in Romania. This will also reduce speculation.

     

    The Government Ministries can also come up with policies that ensure to keep land to its true actual value.

     

     

    Architect Francis Gichuhi Kamau.

    info@a4architect.com

    +254721410684

  • KONZA CITY: 2000% INCREASE IN LAND PRICE.

    KONZA CITY: 2000% INCREASE IN LAND PRICE.

    Konza City project has so far[2012] resulted in a 2000% increase in land price since 2010,a period of 2 years.

    Land as a factor in sale and rent prices.

    Land is a major factor of production. Land price determines the eventual sale and rent price for property. A 3 bedroomed 100m2 house on a ½ acre plot in Runda or Karen will cost KES 25 to 40m . A similar house in Athi River will cost 5 to 8m. The actual cost of constructing both houses is roughly the same, approximately KES 4m each. The other extra cost is mostly the cost of land. Therefore, the value of land will eventually affect the value of the property in terms of sale or rental price.
    The 2000% increase in land value has largely been driven by speculation. The allure of a perfect city setting has attracted many potential buyers to Konza . This has in turn created high demand resulting in higher land prices. The acquisition of 5,000 acres of land by Ministry of Information has further resulted in making the land more scarce, hence driving land price for surrounding properties higher.

    Actual land value.

    Actual land value is determined by the utility a buyer will achieve after purchasing at the set price. For example, land in an already established area with security, infrastructure and developments will offer more utility to the buyer than land that does not have any infrastructure on it. In a perfect market where the forces of demand and supply are not interfered with, land price will largely be determined by the utility the land offers.

    Universities previously in the neighborhood.

    For instance, Daystar University bought land in Athi River over 10 years ago when the demand there was not high. The management made a wise decision and foresaw an increase in population which will necessitate that they buy land in Athi River and set up a larger University while land prices are still low due to less demand.

    Likewise, Islamic University,Gretsa university and Kampala University have also bought large tracts of land in the area behind Konza along Namanga road.
    At the time of purchase, demand was less hence pricing was low as compared to the current pricing in Konza after the Konza city publicity.

    Similar Real Estate ventures in Nairobi suburbs.

    Land around Thika Greens and Tatu city has similarly gone high in price due to speculation. This increase in land price is what is termed as a perfect real estate project in that the land owners in the area will eventually stand to benefit the most from the land sale. Land around Tatu City in Ruiru was selling for around KES 1m per acre before the Tatu City publicity. Currently, land has shot up by a very large percentage as speculators increase demand for land purchase in the vicinity.

    As long as the percentage increase in land price, which increases sale and rent price, is viable, buyers will get value for their money. Where the % increase in land price results to high rents and sale prices and the land still does not assist in recouping the high prices, the purchaser looses out.If he had borrowed the money from a bank, he defaults since he cant find the profit to repay the loan. The bank then auctions the property. In a worst-case-scenario,if the property is based on a over-hyped value, the bank is left holding a devalued property hence a crisis.

    USA Housing Bubble.

    The 2007/2008 Housing bubble in the USA where the public borrowing appetite was artificially increased to allow for more and more people to own homes resulted in an increase in property value which became unsustainable to the buyers. This led to the mortgage industry crash when very many people defaulted and banks were left with over priced property and had to foreclose at lower prices.

    Konza City oversubscription.

    Konza City 5,000 acre project will most likely be oversubscribed by the speculators who will want to cash in on land leased out to them at a low price of KES 200,000 per acre while land in the surrounding Konza area sells at KES 4m per acre.
    This will most likely result in high competition for the same land when buyer A, B and C all want a particular parcel of land at a reserve price of KES 200,000. In such a situation, buyer A will try to outdo buyer B and C in all ways possible, including use of ‘negotiation’ skills such political clout or corruption so as to be favored more than buyer B and C in the allocation.

    Public Procurement Act.

    To prevent this, AG Githu Muigai has suggested the use of the 2005 Public Procurement and Disposal act whereby buyers A,B and C will be compelled to compete for the parcel and the buyer with the highest price gets the allocation and possibilities of any buyer to ‘negotiate’ for the allocation are eliminated. This way, Kenyan tax payers get value for their money since the land has been initially bought using tax payer money.

    The Ministry of Information has retained the services of the Worldbank/IFC as the project advisors . It’s my hope that in the Worldbank/IFC advisory, they will look into situations that will result into a win-win for Kenyan tax payers.

    Its also my hope that the Ministry of Information and its Konza City advisors, Worldbank/IFC will listen to the wisdom of the Attorney General and enable Kenyan taxpayers to benefit.

    Architect Francis Gichuhi Kamau.
    www.a4architect.com
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